As America’s efforts to “degrade and ultimately destroy” Daesh (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) militants extend into Syria, Iraq War III has seamlessly morphed into Greater Middle East Battlefield XIV. That is, Syria has become at least the 14th country in the Islamic world that US forces have invaded or occupied or bombed and in which American soldiers have killed or been killed. And that is only since 1980. Let us tick them off: Iran (1980, 1987-1988), Libya (1981, 1986, 1989, 2011), Lebanon (1983), Kuwait (1991), Iraq (1991-2011, 2014-), Somalia (1992-1993, 2007-), Bosnia (1995), Saudi Arabia (1991, 1996), Afghanistan (1998, 2001-), Sudan (1998), Kosovo (1999), Yemen (2000, 2002-), Pakistan (2004-) and now Syria. Whew.
With America’s 14th front barely opened, the Pentagon foresees a campaign likely to last for years. Yet, even at this early date, this much already seems clear: Even if America wins, it will lose. Defeating Daesh will only commit the US more deeply to a decades-old enterprise that has proved costly and counterproductive.
Back in 1980, president Jimmy Carter touched things off when he announced that the US would use force to prevent the Arabian Gulf from falling into the wrong hands. In effect, with the post-Ottoman order created by European imperialists — chiefly the British — after First World War apparently at risk, the US made a fateful decision: It shouldered responsibility for preventing that order from disintegrating further. Britain’s withdrawal from “east of Suez”, along with the revolution in Iran and the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, prompted Washington to insert itself into a region in which it previously avoided serious military involvement.
At the time, oil — not freedom, democracy or human rights — defined the principal American interest and stability was the goal. Military power offered the means by which the US hoped to attain that goal. Armed might would keep a lid on things. The pot might simmer, but it wouldn’t boil over. In practice, however, whether putting boots on the ground or relying on missiles from above, subsequent US efforts to promote stability have tended to produce just the opposite. Part of the problem is that American policymakers have repeatedly given in to the temptation to unleash a bit of near-term chaos, betting that longer-term order will emerge on the other end. Back in Vietnam, this was known as burning down the village to save it. In the Greater Middle East, it has meant dismantling a country with the aim of erecting something more preferable — “regime change” as a prelude to “nation building”. Unfortunately, the US has proved considerably more adept at the former than the latter.
Mostly, coercive regime change has produced power vacuums. Iraq offers a glaring example. Although studiously ignored by Washington, post-Muammar Gaddafi Libya offers a second. And Afghanistan will probably become a third whenever US and Nato combat troops finally depart. In place of governing arrangements that Washington judged objectionable, the US has found itself coping with the absence of any effective governments whatsoever. Instead of curbing bad behaviour, spanking induced all sorts of pathologies.
By inadvertently sowing instability, the US has played directly into the hands of anti-western, radical Islamists intent on supplanting the European-imposed post-Ottoman order with something more to their liking. This is the so-called caliphate that Osama Bin Laden yearned to create and that now exists in embryonic form in the portions of Iraq and Syria that Daesh radicals control. Want to measure what America’s war for the Middle East has accomplished through its first 13 iterations? Daesh has to rank prominently on any list of achievements. If Iraq possessed minimally effective security forces, Daesh militants would not have a chance. But the Iraqi army America created just won’t fight, in considerable measure, because the Iraqi government America created does not govern.
US President Barack Obama did not initiate the long and varied sequence of military actions that has produced this situation. Yet, he finds himself caught in a dilemma. To give Daesh a free hand is to allow proponents of the caliphate to exploit the instability that US efforts, some involving Obama himself, have fostered. But to make Syria the latest free-fire zone in America’s never-ending Middle East misadventure will almost surely prolong and exacerbate the agonies that country is experiencing, with little ability to predict what consequences will ensue.
Even if US and allied forces succeed in routing Daesh, there is little reason to expect that the results for Syrians will be pretty — or that the prospects of regional harmony will improve. Suppress the symptoms and the disease simply manifests itself in other ways. There is always another Daesh waiting in the wings. Obama’s bet — the same bet made by each of his predecessors, going back to Carter — is that the skilful application of US military might can somehow provide a way out of this dilemma. They were wrong, and so is he. We may be grateful that Obama has learned from his predecessor that invading and occupying countries in this region of the world just does not work. The lesson he will bequeath to his successor is that drone strikes and commando raids do not solve the problem, either.
We must hope for victory over Daesh. But even if achieved, that victory will not redeem, but merely prolong a decades-long military undertaking that was flawed from the very outset. When the 14th campaign runs its course, the 15th will no doubt be waiting, perhaps in Jordan or in a return visit to some unfinished battleground such as Libya or Somalia or Yemen.
Yet, even as the US persists in its determination to pacify the Greater Middle East, the final verdict is already in. US military power has never offered an appropriate response to whatever ails the Islamic world. America has committed its troops to a fool’s errand.
And worse, the errand is also proving unnecessary. With abundant North American energy reserves now accessible — all that shale oil and fracked gas — America does not need the Arabian Gulf oil that ostensibly made its post-1980 military exertions imperative. For whatever reasons, Washington’s national security elites seem oblivious to the implications these resources have for policy in the Middle East. No matter how long it lasts, America’s war for the Greater Middle East will end in failure. And when it does, Americans will discover that it was also superfluous.
— Washington Post
Andrew J. Bacevich, the George McGovern fellow at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs, is writing a history of US military involvement in the Greater Middle East.
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