The painful memory of Fallujah will always haunt the American nation. It was on March 31, 2004, that four US Blackwater company mercenaries were brutally killed by Iraqi insurgents, their dead bodies burnt and dragged into the streets of the city before being hung on bridge over the Euphrates River.
United States forces responded to this barbaric act with an intense bombing of the city — using internationally banned weapons. They killed a number of civilians and demolished service buildings and institutions in the city. The protection of Iraqi civilians was repeatedly cited as the main priority in the war against Iraq and yet there was no respect or regard for human life — unless it was American life. Fallujah became the new Vietnam for the US. It was one of the bloodiest battles US servicemen had seen since their involvement in south-east Asia. The war in the Middle East was a result of the arrogance of the Americans and their contempt of Iraq. Their heavy-handedness, lack of sensitivity and cultural ignorance saw the conflict spiral out of control, giving birth to demons such as Daesh (the self-proclaimed Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant).
Many Iraqis refer to Fallujah in symbolic terms as the “head of the serpent” — the root from where the extremist movement began its bloody sweep of Iraq. The city of mosques became Daesh’s stronghold and the centre of an extremist ideology. The unification of Iraq has become a mere illusion, as corruption and nepotism in the government and army is rampant. Entrenched sectarian interests further prevent reforms being implemented as Iraq plunges into deeper sectarian violence that threatens to tear the country apart.
However, the recapturing of Fallujah from the clutches of militants was seen as a triumph, with many viewing this milestone as the rebirth of modern Iraq. The victory over Fallujah was not only perceived to be a victory over Daesh but was also symbolic as it reconfirmed Iraqi patriotism and national identity.
Sectarian violence in Iraq has been fuelled and exploited, not for the betterment of Iraq but simply to fulfil the ambitions of those nations that wish to expand their regional influence. Numerous reasons have been cited by academic scholars for the failure of the Iraqi army and their ineffectiveness in curtailing extremism, but the truth of the matter is that very few want the Iraqi army to be strong enough to deal with its own affairs as the Americans and Iranians have their own vested interests in the region.
Consequently, Iraq is slowly descending into oblivion. Various Iraqi political parties have announced that they will boycott any upcoming sessions of the Council of Representatives. Prime Minister Haider Al Abadi’s fragile government is unable to consolidate power and exercise authority over militias.The prime minister is constrained by the inertia of the political system, in addition to his own struggles to keep power within his own party. Iraq has been left burning, with America having not only disengaged itself militarily from the country, but also politically. The coalition of players in Iraq is constantly evolving, compounded by the diversity of agendas and interests at local, national and regional levels. Tribal power brokers, dignitaries and militia commanders on the ground grant their allegiances to larger coalitions depending on social, patrimonial and security considerations.
In light of all this, any single group that gains power in Iraq will tip the balance and change the course of history.
Without a political strategy for reconciliation and a formal commitment to change, there is little cause to be optimistic. The Iraqi government is in financial turmoil and the rebuilding of towns ravaged by civil war is only a dream. Targeted air strikes and sabotage have destroyed basic infrastructure, including those for electricity and water provision,, thus heaping misery upon hundreds of thousands living in Iraq.
Sanitation has become a major issue, leading to a prediction of a cholera epidemic in the near future. The government and the international coalition may have pushed insurgents out of their occupied areas but millions of Iraqis still remain displaced, with some fearful of going back while others have nowhere to go as their homes were destroyed. It is estimated that half a million Iraqis have died.
No consolation can be drawn from this, as the game is not over. There is no light at the end of the tunnel for Iraq as it continues in a state of misery brought about by power plays. Al Abadi faces the constant threat of being ousted by the likes Moqtada Al Sadr and others who have aspirations of their own Political instability has done little to crush extremism, which seems to have sprouted out of nowhere like wild mushrooms.
This instability is giving birth to sectarian violence.
Dr Shakir Noori is a journalist and writer based in Dubai.
