Imran Khan’s victory in Pakistan’s general elections late last month marked an important change for the South Asian country. For the first time in the country’s 71-year history, Imran’s middle-class background has made him a unique figure as the leader of a country where past governments have either been dominated by one of the two mainstream political parties or the country’s democratic journey has been interrupted by the military’s intervention.
In sharp contrast, Imran — Pakistan’s widely-celebrated World Cup-winning former cricket captain, who comes from a middle-class urban background — began his political journey some 22 years ago with a simple promise that struck a chord with the public. Pakistanis who felt bitten by widespread and rampant corruption came out last month to vote for Imran’s candidates from his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) or Pakistan Justice Movement. It’s not hard to imagine how the PTI’s vote bank swelled in a country where corruption has eaten into the daily lives of people, and where a large number of business figures and professionals find themselves stuck with their enterprises until and unless they grease powerful palms, often of influential government functionaries.
At the peak of the PTI’s campaign, the party’s enthusiastic supporters often joined scores of others to celebrate with tunes of the party’s ‘tabdeeli’ or change song, playing loudly in the background. It was a message that resonated across Pakistan on election night as news poured in of the PTI’s victory.
But having gone through the initial celebrations, Imran faces the tough challenge of managing a complicated country, presently surrounded by a clear economic slowdown and the danger of a visibly defeated set of militant forces that still threaten to return one day. In brief, ‘tabdeeli’ or change will be much easier said than done.
Khan has also been harshly criticised by his opponents for having had the support of the influential Pakistani military in ensuring his victory. Both Imran and the Pakistan Army have denied such claims.
But with the elections out of the way, the next set of challenges awaiting Imran in Islamabad are far more formidable than the challenges confronting any of Pakistan’s former governments.
Immediately after taking over as the prime minister, Imran will face the difficult task of putting together an international bailout to help Pakistan overcome a balance of payments crisis. This will likely have to be done with a potentially difficult pitch with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Already, there are signs of trouble over this with United States Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, warning Islamabad that IMF loans must not be used by Pakistan to repay China for any liabilities connected to Beijing’s promise of investing more than $60 billion (Dh220.68 billion) in Pakistan. Given Washington’s huge influence in IMF’s decisions and given the months of tensions between the US and Pakistan, it can be safely concluded that the terms and conditions of any IMF loan to Imran’s government will be tougher than loans given previously.
Meanwhile, on the political front, the PTI will face a formidable opposition both in Islamabad and the province of Punjab, which is not only Pakistan’s largest province but also politically the most influential. The opposition parties, led by the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), with former prime minister Nawaz Sharif as its de facto leader, and the Pakistan Peoples Party or PPP, led by former president Asif Ali Zardari, are likely to join hands and mount a formidable campaign against the PTI. Though Sharif is in jail, having recently begun a ten-year prison term on corruption related charges, his hold over the PML-N continues through his younger brother Shehbaz Sharif, now leading the party.
The two parties may not succeed in bringing down the PTI government for the moment, but the next parliament session is set to be a very noisy place where crucial legislation by the PTI government will face formidable obstruction.
And yet, many of Imran’s supporters are relying on his background in public service, along with a higher moral authority than his foes, to help him succeed. In the coming days, it remains to be seen how public pressure to let PTI run the government smoothly bears down on the opposition.
On the personal front, Imran’s most impressive contributions stand out in the shape of the Lahore-based Shaukat Khanum Cancer Hospital that has expanded with a presence in the northern city of Peshawar as well, and a planned facility in Karachi, too. The project was launched by Imran in memory of his late mother, who passed away after a prolonged battle with cancer. Many Pakistanis still recall trends like schoolchildren giving away their lunch money in aid of Imran’s initiative, recognising him as a widely respected figure. To date, tens of thousands of Pakistan’s, the poorest of poor cancer patients, have been successfully treated at the Shaukat Khanum hospital.
On other fronts, Imran also oversaw the establishment of a university in one of Pakistan’s remotest rural districts, offering top-quality education to both men and women. These initiatives went on to reinforce his credentials as a caring figure.
In sharp contrast, his foes, namely Nawaz Sharif, the former prime minister, and Asif Zardari, the former president, have both been accused of corruption. In giving Imran a chance to rule the country, the next test for the people of Pakistan is: Whether they will be willing to show the patience and accept painful reforms that are inevitable to turn around a country surrounded by a series of crises.
Farhan Bokhari is a Pakistan-based commentator who writes on political and economic matters.
