A battle between alliances likely in state polls

Dates for the Assembly elections are likely to be announced after Chief Election Commissioner M. S. Gill's visit to Chennai today, following which the NDA and Jayalalitha's 'Grand Secular Front' are expected to finalise their contestants' lists. The battle at present seems to be mainly a straight fight between the alliances. The tehelka.com exposures have failed to whip up any wave against the establishment, but both sides are certain to tar each other with the corruption brush.

The DMK has stated that corruption is going to be one of the main planks of its campaign. On the other hand the charge sheet filed against Sonia Gandhi's private secretary, Vincent George as also the preliminary enquiry instituted against Sonia herself, suggests to the voter that all political formations are equally corrupt.

More than Tehelka or Vincent George, the Tamil Nadu voter is bound to pay more attention to corruption charges against the contestants in the State. Whatever she may say, the corruption cases, convictions and sentences against Jayalalitha and her supporters will have more of an impact than Tehelka. If Jayalalitha files an application to contest and this is rejected, as many believe will happen, it will have a major impact on the prospects of her front.

Equally, if she does not contest at all to avoid such a predicament, she will find it difficult to project herself as the next chief minister, even if she campaigns for her alliance. Tamil Nadu, it should be noted, votes for personalities.

Talking about corruption, the Directorate of Vigilance and Anti-Corruption (DVAC) of the State Government yesterday filed a charge sheet against Jayalalitha and T. T. V. Dinakaran (Sasikala's nephew, MP and chief of the Jaya TV) yesterday in a case relating to the alleged purchase in 1994 of two hotels in London by Dinakaran on behalf of Jayalalitha who had illegally funnelled funds to foreign countries.

The two hotels were Hopscroft Holt Hotel at Steeple Aston purchased in the name of Godfrey Resources Corporation and the Stanley Hall Estate Hexham in the name of Adelphi Enterprises, both companies floated by Dinakaran.

The DVAC charge sheet said that investigation through the Serious Fraud Office in UK had disclosed that during her tenure as chief minister, Jayalalitha had entered into a criminal conspiracy with Dinakaran and channelled out funds from India. The money was used for purchasing Demand Drafts from banks for $300.000 in Sri Lanka, for $3.58 million in Dubai, for $476,200 in Malaysia, $1.59 million in Singapore and for $4.53 million in Hong Kong.

Dinakaran had meanwhile acquired Dipper Investments, registered in British Virgin Islands, Banyan Tree Enterprises and Turnkey Industries. The funds were transferred to the accounts of these companies with Barclays Bank, Sutton Branch. Then this corpus was converted into about £6.83 million and transferred to the account of one Naynesh Desai, with the Natwest Bank.

Another £1.32 million was also clandestinely added from a different source, bringing the total to £8.15 million equivalent to Rs39.56 crores. This was used to purchase the two hotels which, in 1998 were sold off for a sum equivalent to Rs121.53 crores.

Besides, Dinakaran had allegedly made other investments and incurred expenditure on behalf of Jayalalitha for Rs4.41 crores. All this, when, according to the DVAC, Dinakaran had no pecuniary resources that would have enabled him to acquire the assets.

The DVAC charge sheet added that when she was given an opportunity to give her explanation for these, she had not come forward "to furnish a satisfactory account". She had thus committed offences of criminal misconduct by a public servant. She was charged under Section 120-B Indian Penal Code (criminal conspiracy) and under the Prevention of Corruption Act. Dinakaran was charged under Section 120 B and Section 109 (abetment).

This is the second case against Jayalalitha of acquiring wealth disproportionate to known sources of income. The case is posted for April 17 by the judge. Her alliance is also torn by dissension. It is a very unhappy Congress that has, after holding out for some weeks, tamely decided to accept PMK leadership in Pondicherry, if the alliance wins there.

Earlier, the Pondicherry Congress had pushed for delinking Pondicherry from Tamil Nadu and had even talked about forming a third front there with the Tamil Maanila Congress. Moopanar had also to accept a split in the party when his right hand man P. Chidambaram left the fold and formed the TMC Democratic Front opposing the alliance with the AIADMK and declaring that a sick Moopanar was being manipulated by a coterie.

Chidambaram has also stated his firm belief that Jayalalitha would not be able to give good government to Tamil Nadu if she came to power. He has thrown in his lot with the NDA. On Friday he said that Moopanar just headed the 'body' of the TMC while the soul was with his democratic front.

In the other camp, Karunanidhi has done the major part of his work of seat allotment. He has given 21 each to the BJP and MDMK, six to Thirumavalavan's Dalit Panthers, 10 to Dr. Krishnaswamy's Puthiya Thamizhagam, three to Chidambaram, and some to the smaller parties. The DMK itself would like to retain 155 seats.

The process has not been without hiccups. MGR ADMK of Thirunavakarassu is dissatisfied with the two seats given to it while Vazhapadi Ramamurthi, whom the DMK had used to cut Ramadoss down to size, is on the point of boycotting the elections because his Tamizhaga Rajiv Congress was given just two seats. But then neither of these parties are of any great importance. Thirunavakkarassu is not valid outside Pudukkottai although he is part of the NDA at the centre by virtue of being a MP while Vazhapadi onetime TNCC President has no influence beyond Krishnagiri.