Roots of poverty: Dynastic politics in the Philippines — ideal vs reality

The Constitution of our Republic speaks plainly: that the excess of political dynasties must be restrained by law.

Yet, like a many-headed hydra, they endure. Sprouting in every province, like an out-of-tune Karaoke singer, ubiquitous and deeply rooted deep in custom.

Accepted as the common order of things.

It has been nearly 40 years since the ratification of the 1987 Charter, and still this solemn command lies unattended.

Thirteen Congresses have come and gone, each bearing the authority of the people, yet none delivering the measure required to fulfill this duty.

Thus, it is that to the ordinary Filipino, political dynasties have become as familiar as the turning of the seasons — no more questioned than the snow that crowns the Arctic, or the "Kristo" at the centre of cockfighting, the national pastime.

What was meant to be checked by law has instead been endured as fate.

Turns out that Filipinos are forever tied to dynastic politics.  

Anti-meritocracy: Effects on local governance

Dynasties undermine meritocracy. They undermine effective governance: family interests take priority over public welfare.

This is known as "elite capture". It has a direct correlation with poverty. Members of entrenched political dynasties capture local structures, reducing accountability as relatives fill key roles, fostering corruption and nepotism.

Example: President Ferdinand Marcos Jr serves concurrently with his elder sister Imee, a senator, while his son Sandro serves as the majority floor leader in the House of Representatives.

His cousin Martin Romualdez, was speaker of the House after he was implicated in the multi-billion flood-control "tongpats" scam (kickbacks).

Four sets of siblings (Tulfos, Cayetanos, Ejercito/Estrada, Villars) currently sit in the 24-member Senate. Most are from Manila, while the Philippines is actually made up of 18 regions spread over 7,641 islands.

And in Dinagat Islands, the Ecleo clan holds governor, vice-governor, and multiple mayoral seats, sidelining checks and balances.​

A 2022 study in Political Dynasties, Business, and Poverty in the Philippines finds dynasties persist in poorer areas, reducing economic growth and deterring public goods provision. They promote self-serving policies, entrenching poverty traps through "rent-seeking".​

This phenomenon is deeply entrenched nationwide, with about 80% of provincial governors and 67% of House representatives in 2025 coming from political dynasties.

These families leverage name recognition, resources, and social influence to maintain control, often sidelining potential challengers.

Dynastic politics subverts democratic participation. It creates a cycle of underdevelopment.

Two key studies shed light on the implications of this dynastic rule. A 2016 paper from the Ateneo School of Government defines political dynasties as families with multiple members occupying positions simultaneously or successively, often using tactics such as alternating offices to circumvent term limits.

Dynasties as 'brands'

The study highlights how these dynasties resemble established brands, securing voter loyalty and sustaining influence akin to business trademarks.

For example: In Camarines Sur, every school building, gym or public market built using taxpayers' money are marked with the family name of a political clan. The provice, larger than Dubai in land area, is among the country's poorest.

The same in Sorsogon, where every lamp post is etched with big bold letter which bears the first letter of the incumbent governor and city mayor. There's no law against this practice of "epal" (attention-seeker, credit-grabber) politicians who claim public works projects as if they paid for it.

This culture stifles genuine political competition and restricts leadership opportunities to well-connected clans.

Dynasty = poverty

Another significant work, published in 2022 in the journal "Political Dynasties, Business, and Poverty in the Philippines," investigates the relationship between dynasties and socioeconomic outcomes.

It finds that political dynasties tend to persist especially in poorer provinces, suggesting that poverty helps entrench dynastic rule rather than dynasties directly causing poverty.

The study indicates a complex mutual reinforcement where limited political options contribute to poverty traps, while dynasties secure their hold by controlling scarce resources and patronage networks, perpetuating socioeconomic inequality.

In practice, dynastic politics often result in a political elite whose interests diverge from those of the general populace.

The concentration of power and wealth can stifle administrative responsiveness, breed corruption, and inhibit reform-minded leaders from gaining office.

Dynastic culture

Understanding the dynastic culture is vital to grasp the challenges of political reform and democratisation in the Philippines: it reveals how familial networks shape governance, influence policy-making, and affect socioeconomic development across the archipelago.

Dynastic politics, i.e. the lack of meritocracy, can directly explain the bad quality of Philippine roads, ghost flood-control system, and poor infrastructure.

Addressing this issue remains key to opening up political space and fostering more inclusive, accountable leadership.

Impact on public services

Dynastic rule leads to poorer service delivery, including inferior infrastructure, health, and education.

The Asian Institute of Management's 2012 study shows dynasty-dominated districts have lower human development, higher deprivation, and inequality, with "fattest" dynasties in the poorest regions.

Key consequences

• Corruption curge: Local officials face most graft indictments, as dynasties shield kin from oversight. ​

• Loss of meritocracy: Qualified outsiders, including youth, are excluded, degrading leadership quality.​

• Inequality: Resources favor dynasty strongholds, exacerbating spatial divides.​

Way forward

Poverty and dynastic politics feed each other.

Until one is broken, the other will endure. The 1987 Constitution already mandates anti-dynasty reforms, but without enforcement, real, honest-to-goodness political competition remains locked out.

At its core, the problem runs deeper: a system shaped by patronage, not merit. Changing that culture is the hardest battle. It's like asking Filipinos, especially in the rural areas to quit "sabong" (cockfighting).

But it’s not impossible. Stronger voter education and strict term limits can chip away at entrenched clans and open space for capable leaders.

In the end, the path forward is clear: no meritocracy, no progress.

Until competence replaces connections, the cycle of dynasties and underdevelopment will persist.​