The decision by Pakistan’s parliament in the past week to approve the establishment of military courts for trials of hardcore terrorists, is just the first step in a long overdue journey to tackle the worst security crisis ever to confront the south Asian country. In spite of reservations from some politicians, the overwhelming majority of members of parliament supported the move, indicating a sense of urgency in an otherwise complacency-stricken political structure.

Clearly, Pakistan has lived with growing pressure to redouble its campaign against terrorism and extremism since a vicious Taliban attack on a Pakistan army-run school in the northern city of Peshawar on December 16, which left 150 people dead, mostly teenage students. The Peshawar massacre immediately prompted Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to remove an effective moratorium on hangings of criminals who were already on the death row.

The intention behind these recent moves was one of clearly demonstrating Pakistan’s new resolve to step up the fight against Taliban militants. And yet, such choices which may qualify as knee-jerk reactions, on their own will hardly help Pakistan embrace a conclusive victory ahead.

Part of the challenge is indeed driven by the need to oversee an almost societal transformation. The proliferation of militancy in Pakistan owes part of its rise to the country’s long-term neglect of the poorest of the poor, notably those who were already on the periphery of the economic chain. Almost one-third of Pakistan’s population or more than 65 million people live below the poverty line. Consequently, left in utter neglect, those surrounded by abject poverty include many who have been recruited to militant outfits.

In part, militancy in Pakistan has been fuelled by the fallout from across the border in Afghanistan where a nasty conflict has raged for well over three decades. Consequently, an ultra-weak Afghan state has simply failed to enforce its writ over a large community of warlords, notably those who have been the beneficiaries from the conflict. And yet, Pakistan cannot absolve itself completely of responsibility for at least stoking part of the fire. Till recently, Pakistan remained oblivious to the existence of effective safe havens of the Taliban on its soil along the Afghan border.

In the aftermath of the Peshawar tragedy, the one bit of good news has come in the shape of signs of improvement in Pakistan’s military coordination with Afghanistan, as the two countries have moved to target militant safe havens on their respective sides of the border. Though the signs on this front are still early, its clear that improved cooperation of this kind will help to raise the pressure on what is after all a common enemy.

Tax evasion

On Pakistan’s soil however, much more needs to be done. Though the matter of terrorist financing has cropped up repeatedly in recent days as the government of Sharif has promised to curb militancy, there is still a big black hole which needs to be filled.

The incidence of widespread tax evasion simply means that the Pakistani state does not have a clue on the financial activities of an exceptionally large chunk of its population. Less than one per cent of Pakistan’s population pays an income tax, highlighting a dark reality of one of the world’s poorest performers in this area.

Meanwhile, other controversial policies include a provision which allows depositors in onshore foreign currency bank accounts to make deposits without revealing the source of their funds. Though in recent times, the authorities have spoken of tightening controls by the central bank around income from foreign funds suspected to be heading to dubious accounts, a sea-change is indeed required. The time has come for Pakistan to remove all exemptions for individuals from paying taxes on their incomes and/or the controversial relaxations surrounding foreign currency accounts.

For Sharif, this may indeed be a tall order. The Pakistani parliament is practically packed with landowners who by law are exempted from paying a regular income tax. Others representing industries or businesses either go scot free or simply pay taxes far less than their dues. However, faced with adversity, less than a month after the Peshawar attack, there is an acute need for Pakistan’s leaders to rise to the occasion and end a long drawn era of excessive perks and privileges.

Ironically, Pakistan’s history is replete with examples of one squandered opportunity after another on the matter of reforming the country. Tragically, there is a danger of history repeating itself once again if Sharif and/or his colleagues in the political establishment simply choose to opt for the knee jerk and not beyond. The challenge ahead is not just about saving a nation. Fundamentally, it is also about rebuilding a nation afresh.

A wasted opportunity to set the direction after the Peshawar attack will likely just lead Pakistan deeper into a vicious circle, marked by growing violence and instability. This is a choice that Pakistan can simply not make.

Though Sharif may endure a political cost for embracing reforms that are unpopular with a large segment of politicians, he must also realise the benefits of the end result. A more prosperous country where the growing tide of the Taliban begins to reverse and where economic challenges begin to be tackled will only give him political strength where it matters the most — among the rank and file of grassroot Pakistanis.

Farhan Bokhari is a Pakistan-based commentator who writes on political and economic matters.