From Iran strikes to impeachment and veto powers, what Congress can — and cannot — stop

Dubai: Donald Trump may have lost his party’s grip on Congress, but the US president still holds some of the most powerful tools in American government — including the authority to direct military operations, issue executive orders and veto legislation.
The Democrats’ sweeping victory in Tuesday’s midterm elections has raised an urgent question: How much can Congress actually do to stop a president determined to pursue his agenda?
The answer is more complicated than the election results suggest.
Trump will remain in the White House until January 2029, and his constitutional powers have not diminished. But when Democrats take control of both chambers of Congress on January 3, 2027, they will gain significant authority over government spending, investigations and presidential appointments.
The stakes extend far beyond Washington, particularly as the United States weighs its next steps in the conflict with Iran.
Here are the key questions.
A lame duck is a political leader approaching the end of their term whose influence is declining, often because they cannot seek another term or have suffered an electoral setback.
Trump, now 80, is constitutionally barred from being elected president again after serving two terms.
His party’s defeat in both chambers of Congress has further weakened his legislative position. But being a lame duck does not mean losing presidential authority.
He remains commander-in-chief of the US armed forces and retains the executive powers of the presidency.
Yes, but his authority is not unlimited.
As commander-in-chief, Trump can direct military operations within the limits of US law. American presidents have repeatedly ordered military action without formal declarations of war.
However, the Constitution gives Congress the power to declare war, while the War Powers Resolution establishes procedures and limits governing military operations without congressional authorisation.
The distinction is particularly important as Washington considers whether to intensify its military campaign against Iran or pursue a negotiated settlement.
CNN reported that Trump advisers have been debating additional strikes, although some favour allowing more time for diplomacy.
The president does not automatically need advance congressional approval for every military operation. But prolonged hostilities can raise legal questions and face congressional restrictions.
They have several tools, but none guarantees an immediate end to military operations.
Congress can pass legislation restricting military action, demand information about operations and seek to limit future funding.
The most powerful instrument could be control over federal spending.
The Council on Foreign Relations noted that Democrats will gain influence over defence appropriations and congressional oversight once the new Congress takes office.
However, money already appropriated for military operations may remain available, and Trump could veto legislation intended to restrict the conflict.
Democrats would need sufficient support in both chambers to override that veto.
This means congressional control could make a prolonged war more difficult to sustain without necessarily preventing fresh strikes.
Yes.
Executive orders allow presidents to direct federal agencies and implement policies under authority provided by the Constitution or existing laws.
Trump can continue using them on immigration, government administration, national security and other matters.
CNN reported that administration officials have been examining ways to expand the use of executive authority as the prospect of Democratic congressional control became clearer.
But executive orders cannot create powers the president does not legally possess.
Federal courts can block unlawful orders, while Congress can change the underlying laws or restrict funding, subject to constitutional procedures.
Yes. Democrats will have the power to initiate impeachment proceedings in the House of Representatives.
Impeachment requires a simple majority in the House, but removing a president from office requires conviction by a two-thirds majority of senators present.
That is a much higher threshold.
Trump has already faced two impeachment trials during his first presidency and was acquitted by the Senate both times.
Speaking to reporters on Wednesday, Trump dismissed the possibility of another impeachment, arguing that such an effort would damage the Democratic Party.
Democrats can also launch investigations, issue subpoenas and summon administration officials to testify.
These powers could expose the White House to sustained scrutiny even without impeachment.
Yes — through his presidential veto.
Trump has already made clear that he intends to use this power.
Speaking after the election, he reminded reporters that he retains the authority to veto legislation.
A presidential veto can be overridden only by a two-thirds majority in both the House and Senate.
Without that level of support, Democrats would generally need to negotiate with Trump to enact major legislation.
The result could be prolonged battles over government funding, healthcare, immigration and taxation.
Yes. The Senate’s advice-and-consent powers could become a significant obstacle for the administration.
Most Cabinet appointments, ambassadors and federal judges require Senate confirmation.
A Democratic-controlled Senate could reject nominees, delay hearings or refuse to advance appointments.
The implications could extend to the Supreme Court if a vacancy arises before Trump leaves office.
However, presidents also have limited mechanisms for temporary appointments, and not every executive branch position requires Senate confirmation.
Not necessarily.
Winning Congress gives Democrats legislative and oversight powers, but it does not place the executive branch under their control.
They can investigate government decisions, challenge spending priorities and refuse to approve legislation.
Trump can respond by vetoing bills, relying on existing statutory powers and negotiating selectively with lawmakers.
Both sides may also face pressure to compromise on essential matters such as government funding and the federal debt ceiling.
That is when the newly elected Congress takes office.
Until then, Republicans retain control of the outgoing Congress, giving Trump a limited window to pursue legislative priorities and appointments before the balance of power changes.
From January, Democrats will control congressional committees, determine much of the legislative agenda and exercise greater influence over federal spending.
The White House will face a more assertive Congress, but not one capable of automatically reversing presidential decisions.
The immediate consequence is uncertainty over the direction of American foreign policy.
Trump retains substantial authority over diplomacy and military operations, including decisions affecting Iran, Israel and the wider Gulf.
Congress, however, can influence the resources available for prolonged military commitments and investigate how those operations are conducted.
The emerging confrontation could therefore shape not only Trump’s domestic agenda but also Washington’s ability to sustain military operations abroad.
The central reality is that Trump has lost congressional support, not the presidency. Democrats have gained powerful checks on his administration, but stopping him will require more than winning an election.
Sign up for the Daily Briefing
Get the latest news and updates straight to your inbox
Network Links
GN StoreDownload our app
© Al Nisr Publishing LLC 2026. All rights reserved.