Comment: Evolutionary reforms move society in Saudi Arabia

Although some Westerners consider Saudi Arabia as the "kernel of evil," and others prefer to keep their distance from the ruling family, an independent observer cannot but take notice of significant evolutionary reforms that are altering the kingdom's socio-political make-up.

When Riyadh announced the creation of its first independent human-rights organisation in early 2003, many were incredulous. Others were awed by the epoch-making development.

At the time, observers of the conservative monarchy concluded that this was simply a promise and, much like similar pronouncements on various social initiatives, would never materialise.

Still, Riyadh held its first major conference on "Human Rights in Peace and War" a few weeks ago, when some 70 papers were discussed and, according to press reports, attendees emphasised the need to adopt common international standards for human rights that respect all religions, cultures and traditions in various countries.

An authoritative source - who is not a member of the ruling family - confided that the debate was unprecedented by local standards. To be sure, Saudis were conscious of their negative post-September 11 image abroad and took steps to portray actual deeds. Taken together, they represent real change.

For example, a "National Dialogue Panel" as well as a 30-strong "Saudi Intellectual Dialogue" group emerged in 2003. The latter forwarded a series of recommendations to heir apparent and regent Prince Abdullah.

They called on him to widen freedom of expression, broaden the decision-making process, improve communication lines between rulers and ruled, empower women, accept intellectual diversity within society, and balance economic and commercial development.

They also asked the heir apparent to confront extremism by differentiating between terrorism and jihad, while paying more attention to a large group of unemployed youth.

To his credit, Prince Abdullah pushed through the Saudi Cabinet a number of measures that addressed several of these recommendations. Heretofore taboo subjects were openly addressed, including the need to curb indigenous poverty and, equally important, to limit the huge annual financial remittances out of the country.

In an earthshaking step, the Saudi cabinet also announced that it was contemplating elections to chose half of the members of each of the 14 municipal councils.

While the necessity for long-overdue elections were perceived as a beginning, an Al Watan columnist in Riyadh hoped that they "would lead to elections in the Shura Council, in universities, and (in) the right to form syndicates."

The Shura Council even debated the country's naturalisation laws and, although it could not reach a quick consensus, discussions were taking place on relaxing citizenship laws for foreigners, especially those who lived in the kingdom for ten years or more.

The need to alter existing regulations, including the much despised sponsorships (kafeel) system, reflected genuine concerns about what ailed the kingdom. More recently, Shura Council members weighed how to change naturalisation rules to narrow geographical gaps, remove differences based on gender, religion and colour.

In several national addresses, Prince Abdullah referred to the need to debate a slew of key questions, including tolerance, national unity and reform. As a listener willing and eager to learn from ordinary citizens as well as from intellectuals, Prince Abdullah repeatedly insisted that Riyadh would combat regional, tribal and ideological discord.

Far from being an experimenter, Pince Abdullah and for that matter the entire Al Saud family are well aware that genuine accountability is the order the day.

Saudis perceive the urgency of social and economic reforms, not only to improve their image abroad, but also to empower their citizens with the tools that may allow them to compete.

Joseph Kechichian, author of several books, is an expert on the Gulf and Middle East affairs.