News from Myanmar

News from Myanmar

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4 MIN READ

Aung Zaw got his first taste of publishing two decades ago in the kitchen of his family's home in Yangon.

A student of botany protesting Myanmar's military regime to the alarm of his mother, Aung Zaw began producing samizdat leaflets at night on an antiquated printing cylinder operated as if rolling dough.

Arrest, torture and a stint in jail followed. As the Myanmarese pro-democracy uprising of 1988 was being crushed by the ruling junta and thousands were being killed, Aung Zaw, disguised as a monk, escaped through the land-mined jungles of Myanmar to Thailand.

Here, he made a discovery — the “magic of the fax machine'', as he puts it. Presently, he was back in business, dispatching reports about his compatriots' plight to human rights groups.

Now, a mere fax seems ancient beside the top-notch office tools of Aung Zaw's current project: The Irrawaddy. Based in Thailand, the English-language print and online newsmagazine offers coverage of Myanmar and its iron-fisted military junta.

The once penniless refugee now oversees a $500,000-a-year media operation, funded largely by European Union governments.

Aung Zaw crosses his arms and claps himself on both shoulders, saying, “A heavy responsibility weighs on these.''

Then gesturing around the newly furbished newsroom in Chiang Mai, a city in mountainous northern Thailand, he adds: “I never thought I'd come so far!''

Clandestine network

The Irrawaddy's reporters draw on a clandestine network of sources several thousand strong across tightly policed Myanmar, from shop owners to disgruntled officials who communicate via phone, e-mail, courier, and meetings snatched at border crossings.

Earlier this year, Aung Zaw obtained a secret video of the wedding of strongman General Than Shwe's daughter — an alleged $300,000 affair bankrolled by arms-dealing and drug-trafficking cronies.

In September when Buddhist monks, riled by skyrocketing prices, took to Yangon streets in silent protest, Aung Zaw began working the phones frantically.

For days, he says, he was interviewing and being interviewed (by foreign media) often simultaneously. When the crackdown began, he recalls.

“We were speaking to a stringer on his mobile. Just then the soldiers started shooting protesters.''

Such immediate access made The Irrawaddy's website, constantly updated daily in both English and Myanmarese, a must for people seeking news from the hermetically sealed country.

Hits on the site, says office manager Win Thu, jumped threefold to 39 million a week ... until a cyber-attack brought it down for days.

“Censorship in Myanmar is tighter than ever,'' says Zin Linn, a former political prisoner who works as media director for a shadow government of Myanmarese exiles in Bangkok.

“But The Irrawaddy is on the side of truth and dedicated to finding out facts on the ground.''

In 1994, Kyaw Zwa Moe was serving a 10-year sentence in Rangoon's notorious Insein Prison.

His crime: posting antigovernment notices in his high school's lavatories as a 16-year-old student. Political prisoners were forbidden to read anything except propaganda sheets.

“They wanted to imprison our minds,'' notes Kyaw Zwa Moe, now The Irrawaddy's managing editor.

Yet he kept returning with relish to a screed denouncing a Myanmarese émigré in Thailand for publishing “lies''.

The “traitor'' was his older brother, Aung Zaw. “I knew immediately,'' he recalls, chuckling, “if the government was denouncing him, Aung Zaw was on the right track.''

A year before, with an old PC and $100 in savings, Aung Zaw had launched The Irrawaddy from his cramped, windowless room in a rundown Bangkok hotel. Named after Myanmar's largest river, it debuted as a four-page news bulletin.

He made several hundred photocopies and distributed them to advocacy groups and embassies.

“In my simple English, I wrote a project proposal [to an aid agency] asking for $2,000 a year,'' recalls Aung Zaw, who frequently punctuates his sentences with exclamations.

“For several months, nothing! Then they called me and said, ‘Can you ask for more?''' He laughs.

But Aung Zaw turns sombre in his reminiscences. His mother never got to read the magazine, he laments.

She was crushed to death by an Army truck in Yangon not long after The Irrawaddy launch.

“In a letter she wrote me before her death she said, ‘We will reunite soon!''' Aung Zaw says. “But I couldn't even attend her funeral.''

After his release in 1999, Kyaw Zwa Moe joined his brother in Thailand, working his way up from office boy to managing editor.

In 2005 he studied journalism on a scholarship at the University of California, Berkeley. “I hate those ... generals,'' he concedes. “But I've learned that you do a disservice to people by [countering propaganda with propaganda].''

The New Light of Myanmar, meticulously catalogued in The Irrawaddy's library, is a Yangon-based government daily. It's propagandists periodically congratulates “newly trained'' journalists for answering the call of duty.

Kaung Set isn't a journalist the junta has in mind. The journalist writes for government publications by day and, using that pen name, secretly works for The Irrawaddy on the side.

“Journalism is an unknown concept in Myanmar,'' he says during a visit to the magazine's offices in Chiang Mai before slipping back into Burma.

“Whenever I write I'm thinking constantly how I can get past the censors — even if it's only about fashion.''

“If we don't do it, no one will know what's happening to us,'' the reporter stresses. “For us, truth is more precious than gold.''

Tibor Krausz, The Christian Science Monitor

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