US–Iran war clock: May 1 deadline puts Trump under pressure

War Powers limit tests Republican unity as stakes rise over Hormuz and security guarantees

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Successive US presidents from both parties have argued that the War Powers Resolution is unconstitutional, claiming the commander-in-chief has broad authority to conduct military operations.
Successive US presidents from both parties have argued that the War Powers Resolution is unconstitutional, claiming the commander-in-chief has broad authority to conduct military operations.
IANS

As the United States edges closer to a critical May 1 deadline in its war with Iran, a decades-old law is quietly becoming one of the most consequential forces shaping the next phase of the conflict.

Nearly eight weeks after Washington joined Israeli strikes against Iran, President Donald Trump faces a legal and political inflection point: continue the war without congressional backing and risk a backlash, or seek approval and expose divisions within his own party.

At the heart of the moment is the 1973 War Powers Resolution — legislation designed to limit a president’s ability to wage prolonged military campaigns without lawmakers’ consent. While often ignored or contested, the law’s timelines are now converging with the realities of a war that has already reshaped regional dynamics, including the security of the Gulf and the stability of global energy flows.

According to reporting by The New York Times, the administration formally notified Congress of military action on March 2, triggering a 60-day countdown that ends on May 1.

Why May 1 matters

The War Powers Resolution allows a president to deploy US forces into hostilities without congressional authorisation — but only for 60 days. After that, the law requires either approval from Congress or a withdrawal of forces.

That deadline is now approaching fast.

Trump initially justified the strikes as necessary to protect US bases and “advance vital United States national interests,” framing the operation as part of “collective self-defense of our regional allies, including Israel.”

But Democrats have consistently challenged that rationale, arguing the president acted without legal authority. Their repeated attempts to force a vote under the War Powers Resolution have failed — blocked each time by Republicans.

Yet the political dynamics may shift once the 60-day window closes.

Republican unity under strain

So far, Republican lawmakers have largely backed the administration, shielding it from efforts to curtail the war.

But that support is showing early signs of strain.

Senator John Curtis of Utah has already drawn a line, writing that he “will not support ongoing military action beyond a 60-day window without congressional approval.”

Representative Brian Mast, who chairs the House Foreign Affairs Committee, has also hinted at shifting ground, warning there could be “a different vote count after 60 days.”

These signals matter. Until now, the White House has operated with broad latitude. After May 1, that margin for manoeuvre could narrow sharply — especially if the conflict drags on without clear objectives, timelines or outcomes.

Key timeline: War Powers clock

  • Feb 28 – US joins strikes on Iran

  • March 2 – Congress formally notified (clock starts)

  • May 1 – 60-day deadline expires

  • Post-May 1

    Congress approval required OR

    Withdrawal begins OR

    One-time 30-day extension (withdrawal only)

What happens after 60 days?

If the deadline passes without congressional authorisation, the president faces three main options:

  • Seek approval from Congress

  • Begin withdrawing US forces

  • Invoke a limited 30-day extension

The extension, however, comes with constraints. It is designed only to allow for the safe withdrawal of forces — not to continue an offensive military campaign.

That limitation is critical. It means the administration cannot simply extend the war indefinitely under the guise of operational necessity.

The elusive path to authorisation

Congress, in theory, can approve the war at any time through an Authorisation for the Use of Military Force (AUMF).

In practice, that path is far from straightforward.

While Republicans have united in blocking Democratic efforts to end the war, it remains unclear whether they would support formally authorising it. That would require lawmakers to publicly back the conflict — and take political ownership of its costs and consequences.

Senator Lisa Murkowski of Alaska is reportedly working with colleagues on such an authorisation but has yet to introduce legislation.

Her push reflects a broader concern among some lawmakers about the lack of clarity around the war’s objectives, costs and duration.

It also signals a deeper institutional tension: Congress seeking to reassert its authority after decades of gradually ceding war-making powers to the executive branch.

Could the White House sidestep the law?

History suggests the administration may not feel bound by the deadline.

Successive presidents from both parties have argued that the War Powers Resolution is unconstitutional, claiming the commander-in-chief has broad authority to conduct military operations.

In 2011, President Barack Obama continued US involvement in Libya beyond the 60-day limit, arguing the law did not apply because American forces were not engaged in sustained combat.

Trump himself has challenged similar constraints before. In 2019, he vetoed a bipartisan resolution aimed at ending US involvement in Yemen, calling it an “unnecessary, dangerous attempt to weaken my constitutional authorities.”

A similar argument could now be deployed — particularly if the administration frames operations in Iran as limited or defensive.

The political cost of ignoring the deadline

Even if legally contested, the 60-day mark carries political weight.

“Many Republicans are on record having set the 60-day mark as somehow legally important,” said Senator Chris Murphy, a Democrat who has led efforts to challenge the war. “So I do think it will be harder for Republicans to continue to look the other way once we are out of the 60 days.”

That pressure could translate into a more fractious debate in Washington — one that complicates decision-making at a critical stage of the conflict.

Why this matters for the region

While the legal battle is unfolding in Washington, its consequences are being felt far beyond US politics.

The war has already exposed the threat to energy infrastructure and the risks surrounding the Strait of Hormuz — a chokepoint that carries a significant share of global oil and gas supplies.

Any uncertainty in US policy — whether over escalation, de-escalation or withdrawal — directly affects countries that rely on stable security guarantees and uninterrupted maritime flows.

A prolonged legal and political standoff in Washington could therefore translate into wider instability:

  • Delayed decisions on military posture

  • Mixed signals to allies and adversaries

  • Increased volatility in energy markets

A narrowing window for decisions

As May 1 approaches, the Trump administration is running out of easy options.

Seeking congressional approval risks exposing divisions.

Withdrawing could signal weakness or unfinished objectives.

Ignoring the law could trigger a political backlash at home — and uncertainty abroad.

The most likely outcome, analysts suggest, is a continued balancing act: maintaining military pressure while avoiding a decisive legal or political confrontation.

But that approach has limits.

What comes next

The coming weeks will test not just the durability of US war powers law, but the cohesion of American political support for the conflict — and by extension, the credibility of US commitments in the Gulf.

At stake is more than a legal technicality.

It is the question of how long the United States can sustain a war without a clear mandate — and what that means for a region already navigating one of its most volatile moments in decades.

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