Strikes struck down

In the last few years, Egypt has experienced the longest and strongest series of workers strikes since the end of the Second World War, motivated by causes ranging from poor living standards to demands for more political freedom, foreboding the beginning of a possible "uprising" by Egypt's proletariat.

The Arabic Network for Human Rights Information recently reported that Egypt witnessed more than 3,500 collective labour actions since 2004, involving as many as two million workers.

The protests organised across the nation spanned the social spectrum, mobilising makers of building material, Cairo subway workers, garbage collectors, bakers and textile workers alongside private sector employees.

Mohammad Kamal, member of the ruling National Democratic Party's Policies Committee, told Weekend Review the alarmist tone used by the leaders of the opposition was exaggerated.

"Egyptian society is going through a period of political and economic mobility. Our society is witnessing an unprecedented degree of freedom of expression and it is normal for societies in a state of transition to expressively declare their views and demands," he said.

New wave of demonstrations

Earlier this month, on reviving the second anniversary of the April 6, 2008, protests, the Egyptian police was in no mood to deal with protesters, as their plainclothes security forces assaulted and arrested demonstrators in downtown Cairo who were trying to organise a march to the People's Assembly to submit their demands for political reform to parliament members.

Subsequently the Mubarak regime, which is a key United States ally in the Middle East, was being fiercely slammed by many European countries and internal opposition groups for the violent actions against a large number of peaceful demonstrators in Cairo.

"It is an insulting image for Egypt," opposition politician Ayman Nour, who came a distant second to President Hosni Mubarak in 2005 elections, said about the heavy security presence ahead of the rally. "Hundreds of soldiers are denying the rights of a few dozen citizens trying to express their desire to amend the constitution."

Nour, who recently announced his campaign programme for the 2011 presidential race, was stopped by riot police while trying to leave his downtown office to join the demonstration.

Although this year's protest — organised by the April 6 youth movement that backs the former United Nations nuclear watchdog chief Mohammad Al Baradei — attempted to go through legal channels by applying for permits to carry out peaceful marches, the government refused to issue one and warned citizens against participating in it .

Most daily protests and sit-ins across the country were inspired by the 26,000 Mahalla state-run textile workers who marked April 6 four years ago as their open day strike, primarily in response to low wages and rising food costs.

In 2006, Mahalla Al Kobra, which is 110 kilometres north of Cairo, had witnessed a three-day showdown in which the police used tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunition against protesters.

Even though hundreds were arrested and three killed, the crisis ended only after the authorities accepted all the demands of protesters.

This strike was picked up, promoted and expanded by activists using Facebook, blogs, SMS, independent media and old-fashioned word-of-mouth. Activists in Egypt sought to organise strikes, protests and demonstrations every year throughout the country on April 6. Calling it the "Egyptian Intifida", supporters called for civil disobedience, asking everyone to stay home and avoid making purchases.

The string of protests rings alarm bells for many observers. "The atmosphere that prevailed before and during the 1977 bread riots was similar, especially with the growing awareness among citizens," Ali Hassan, director of the Middle East Studies and Research Centre, told Weekend Review. "The desire to protest has overwhelmed a large sector of society."

Hassan said, "The bread riots of January 18-19, 1977, are an unforgettable moment in Egypt's recent history. Citizens forcefully occupied streets in an initial reaction to Sadat's decision to cut off food subsidies and the liberalisation of bread prices."

History rife with protests

Recent Arab history has numerous examples of "intifadat Al khubz" (bread uprisings) such as in Morocco, 1984; Tunisia, 1984; Sudan, 1985; and Lebanon, in the post-war period. But the extent of the Egyptian state's grip at that time was evident with more than 100 people killed during the riots.

Since assuming power in 1981, President Mubarak has remained ever-vigilant and has been able to prevent any Egyptian "colour" revolution, where power usually moved towards mass movements on the streets, similar to what occurred in a number of former Soviet republics.

Mohammad Al Sayed, a journalist, said that there was considerable historical evidence that Egyptians were a generally peaceful people. Egyptians, he added, were inherently apathetic, politically unaware and instinctively disinclined to participate in protest movements.

"Egyptian history witnessed very few revolts and they were mainly directed towards foreign occupations such as the Egyptian non-violent Revolution of 1919 against the British occupation of Egypt, and July 23 revolution, which began with a military coup to abolish the monarchy and establish a republic," Al Sayed said.

Many commentators have accused the 15 years of dramatic neo-liberal reforms which broke out since Egypt embraced a free market economy in 1991, of bringing the society to the brink of social crisis.

"This kind of grass roots opposition is not political," argued Mahmoud Moustafa, one of Egypt's political bloggers. "Immediate social and economic concerns are what are driving these people to streets, not broadening civil liberties."

Analysts, too, believe social movements pressing for change suffer from structural weaknesses as they lack clear and cohesive ideological frameworks, grassroots links and channels of communication.

The Egyptian government has been able to use to its advantage its political and security apparatus, consisting of more than 2 million central security soldiers, into the breach and successfully rout protesting opposition forces while simultaneously raising public suspicions over the motives and connections of opposition leaders and civil society activists.

Raghda El-Halawany is a journalist based in Cairo.