Intrigue, political drama behind the scenes in Yemen

Sana'a: While Yemen's third "Day of Rage" passed peacefully on Tuesday with no major violence reported in the capital Sana'a or in the city of Taiz or other provinces even as tens of thousands of both pro- and anti-government protesters took to the streets, the real game of power in the eastern-most Arabian country is being played behind the scenes.

And this game is one of tribal intrigue, money, power-hungry leaders and delicate diplomacy - where who you know or are related to, and how much money you have, could decide whether you or your supporters or backers come to power eventually as the Yemeni political scene is churned from within.

A juggling act of gaining popular support, clerical backing and tribal loyalty, bankrolled by those with money, makes the on-going political drama in Yemen compelling behind the scenes and no less than a thriller.

The saddest part could yet be that while the youth on the Sana'a street martyrs himself for freedom, rights and democracy, tribal loyalties are dictating subtle parlour games of power behind the scenes with the fear that whatever replaces the present regime could be equally flawed in its structure of tribal intricacies and favouritism.

While the demonstrations on Tuesday near the university of Sana'a demanded the ouster of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, other protests by the ruling party's supporters, in the main square of the capital - Al Tahrir Square - demanded dialogue and an end to the chaos.

President Saleh, meanwhile, was ensconced inside Sana'a University where he was listening to the demands of students and professors, while protesters chanted slogans against him outside the university premises.

The opposition had called for the "Day of Rage" to condemn the violence in the southern city of Aden where about 10 demonstrators were killed and several others injured last week.

President Saleh has said he has formed a committee to investigate the Aden violence. Demonstrations in Aden and the south of Yemen in general are different because of the demands by the separatist movement in the country's southern parts.

On the eve of the "Day of Rage" the spokesman of the Yemen opposition coalition refused an offer by Saleh to form a unity government for monitoring the parliamentary and presidential elections.

The spokesman, Mohammad Al Kubati, said: "Saleh has only two options: either to be a former president, or a deposed president."

Earlier on Monday, Abdul Majid Al Zandani the most influential cleric of Islah, the largest opposition party, offered Saleh in the name Yemen's clerics a seven-point initiative, including the formation of a unity government. Saleh agreed but added an eighth point - stopping protests.

Al Zandani and a group of eminent clerics from all over Yemen held a meeting with Saleh in his $80 million mosque, the Al Saleh Mosque near the presidential palace in Sana'a, to prevent the country from collapsing into chaos.

"Say the truth, say the truth; you will be responsible before Allah Almighty for what might happen. Those people (the opposition) are riding a wave of foolishness," Saleh is said to have told the clerics.

In an obvious reference to Yemeni billionaire Hamid Al Ahmar, who is widely believed to be supporting the anti-Saleh protestors while grooming himself for presidency, Saleh said: "I know, and almost all of you in this room know, who pays for the demonstrations and why and how. You should say the truth."

Saleh said the opposition had replied to his initiative of February 2, in which he said he would not stand for office when his current term ends in 2013, and his son would not succeed him. The opposition's reply was "the time for dialogue is over; now the word is for the street".

Addressing the clerics, Saleh said: "I'm ready to leave power but not through chaos, I'm fed up now after 32 years, but how do I (leave power) peacefully? You scholars, as heirs of the prophets, should say how."

In an attempt to gain their support, Saleh has also held dozens of meetings on a daily basis over the last few weeks with tribal leaders from the most powerful tribes, including his own tribe Hashed, before he met the clerics on Monday.

Religious and tribal leaders are the most effective players in a conservative country like Yemen.

However, those opposed to Saleh are also trying to gain the support of the armed tribesmen.

Sons of the late Abdullah Al Ahmar, who was Yemen's most influential tribal leader and the second most powerful man in the country after Saleh when he died two years ago, are viewed as the main detractors of Saleh, and not the top leaders of the opposition parties.

Al Ahmar was the head of the most influential Hashed tribe, and was also the top leader of Islah, the largest Islamist opposition party. But he publicly voted for Saleh in the 2006 presidential elections instead of voting for his own party's candidate, Faisal Bin Shamlan. At least four of his sons are in Saleh's ruling party.

On Saturday his son Hussain said he would join the young people in the streets who were demanding Saleh's ouster.

"I'm announcing my resignation from the ruling party, the party of corruption. I will join the revolution of the young people until this regime is toppled," Hussain, a former close friend of Saleh, said in an address to tens of thousands of tribesmen in Amran city, the stronghold of the Hashed tribe.

Hussain has been in an on and off war of words with Saleh since he lost his position in internal elections of the ruling party more than three years ago. Despite belonging to the family of the historic head of the Hashed tribe, in the rally he said he also spoke in the name of the Bakil tribe, the second most influential in Yemen.

Earlier this month, Hussain said he would send his armed tribesmen to the capital Sana'a to protect the anti-Saleh demonstrators.

However, many tribal leaders from the two tribes, such as Hamoud Atef, Abdu Rabu Rajeh, and Mohammad Naji Al Shayef, have said in statements that Hussain Al Ahmar was "only representing himself".

Hussain Al Ahmar's rally, with tens of thousands of tribesmen from both the Hashed and Bakil tribes, who were chanting slogans against Saleh, came only two days after a rally of similar strength from the same two tribes who were chanting slogans to support Saleh in the neighbouring province of Hajja.

Many tribal leaders who attended both rallies, repudiated Hussain's call for Saleh's ouster in the rally. "We refuse his implicit call for violence; we are against violence and we told him this after his speech and he told us: I was just excited in front of the masses," said Shaikh Abdullah Al Jamili of the Bakil tribe, who attended Hussain's rally.

Allegations are rife among tribesmen that Hussain receives about five million Saudi rials every month from Saudi Arabia that is used to pay his father for keeping him a key tribal ally.

It also seems the tribesmen receive money from Abdullah Al Ahmar's wealthy sons and also from Saleh in such times of difficulty, which some observers term a "money season for the tribesmen".

While acknowledging the allegations, however, Shaikh Al Jamili said "Yes, tribesmen take money from both sides, but they know Yemen's interest very well. And we would only side with Yemen."

The whole of Yemen is divided into three main tribal confederations: Hashed, Bakil, and Madhaj. Hashed, the most influential, was always the ruling one in history, though it is the smallest in terms of population. Bakil is the second most influential and has more people than Hashed. Madhaj, the least influential and least important, has the largest population.

The official head of Hashed is Sadeq Abdullah Al Ahmar, brother of Hussain. Sadek is trying to follow in the footsteps of his dead father who used to try and strike a balance between Saleh and his detractors.

"I'm the brother of all," Sadeq said last Monday in a weekly forum started by his father, when he was asked who he supports, Saleh or the opposition.

Abdullah Al Ahmar's sons, however, are trying to unite as a family, regardless of their parties, against their father's ally, President Saleh.

Himyar Al Ahmar, brother of Hussain, who is the Deputy Speaker of Parliament, and a member of the ruling party, said earlier this week that he thwarted an intelligence plan to assassinate opposition figures including his brother Hamid Al Ahamar, the most influential opponent of Saleh.

Himyar said the deputy of the National Security Agency, Ammar Mohammed Abdullah Saleh, nephew of President Saleh, was supervising the plan.

The billionaire brother Hamid Al Ahmar, the most influential opposition figure, openly says the only solution to Yemen's crisis is the ouster of President Saleh, unlike his Islamist party that dominates the opposition coalition and until now is hesitating between demanding "serious reforms" and calling on the support of the young Yeminis in the street who are clearly demanding Saleh's ouster.

The opposition coalition says it "supports" the limited, but increasing demonstrations of the young people in the street. But they have not decided yet to take to the streets with them. Hamid Al Ahmar, known as the money man of the opposition's hawks, might expect - with his promptings and his chequebook - the opposition coalition to take that decision soon.