The wheel turns once again for Pakistan

Despite being a frontline state, Pakistan fell from grace in the very hour of the free world's victory against Soviet communism.

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Despite being a frontline state, Pakistan fell from grace in the very hour of the free world's victory against Soviet communism.

The Soviet edifice had started crumbling internally (the fall of the Berlin Wall was only symbolic) in the face of the fierce Afghan freedom movement, aided and actively supported by America's CIA through Pakistan's ISI operatives, hundreds of whom lost their lives and lie buried in unmarked graves throughout Afghanistan.

The Gulf War was hardly over when President Bush Sr, failed to certify to U.S. Congress Pakistan's abstinence from seeking nuclear capability, triggering the Pressler Amendment, imposing military and economic sanctions against Pakistan.

Pakistan was lucky in 1992-93 to escape being equated with Libya, Iraq, Sudan, North Korea in the U.S.-made "terrorist states" list.

The fallout of the Afghan freedom struggle was huge. Three million refugees, of which more than one million never did (and never will) go back; a massive proliferation of drugs and guns symbolised by heroin and the Kalashnikov – within Pakistan more than 6,000 bomb blasts took place in that decade, many Pakistanis died or were maimed; a major breakdown in law and order, with lasting damage to the fabric of society with rising ethnicity and sectarianism; widening disparity between the desperately poor and new, mostly illegal wealth; corruption force-multiplying through the body politic of the country, even reaching deep into the Armed Forces; a proliferation of terrorist cells with disparate aims, supported by RAW, KGB and KHAD; a vibrant economy becoming addicted to easy aid instead of trade, most aid duly siphoned off by bureaucrats and heavy debt acquisitions which became more complex for the country with time.

Notwithstanding these, Pakistanis could not be blamed for their 1981-89 fantasy that their future would remain bright as the darlings of the West. An internecine quarrel ensued between the Afghan Mujhahideen factions till the Taliban gained ascendancy, not because the masses of Afghanistan wanted them or their extremely conservative brand of ideology but because they wanted the others even less.

By the time of the Chagai nuclear explosion on May 28, 1999, we had already been on the receiving end of ostracisation for many reasons, – suspected nuclear intentions; a haven for drugs manufacturing and smuggling and suspected ISI support for terrorist activity.

While the situation improved internally after the October 12, 1999 military coup, internationally they became worse. Cold War military regimes were out of fashion. "Democracy" sanctions were superimposed on "nuclear" sanctions against Pakistan, the Commonwealth suspending our membership and even the European Union (EU) holding back aid.

A depth of integrity and sincere intent more than any grand plan has brought this military regime goodwill (and this far) in the face of adversity, destiny marking the leader of the regime as a man twice blessed. Fortune smiles on the brave, there is no man luckier in this world than Pervez Musharraf. Quite a lot has rubbed off on Pakistan lately.

Pakistanis live in the romantic notion that Republicans prefer Pakistan over India. Consider the rude shock to our already precarious geo-political status when the new U.S. Administration's policy review decided that in the shape of things to come, China was its arch competitor in the world. The U.S. then proceeded on a course of containing China by re-aligning itself with India.

Writing Pakistan off

Pakistani analysts remember this as an extension of U.S. Ambassador to India Kenneth Galbraith's famous memo of May 1965 writing Pakistan off in favour of India in the region.

Despite Gen. Zia ul Haq being an international pariah for hanging PM Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in 1979, Russia's invasion of Afghanistan forced the U.S. and Pakistan to become close allies in the 80s.

An economically resurgent China saw a need in the 90s to normalise its relations with India. This relationship with Pakistan became relatively lukewarm in comparison to Pakistan's deep friendship of the 60s and 70s, further exacerbated by Chinese exasperation at Pakistan's perceived reluctance to rein in Islamists making inroads among the Uighurs in Sinkiang Province.

China was further aggrieved when the Benazir Bhutto regime opted for the French submarine without seriously considering the Chinese offer. Flying an Alouette-3 helicopter along the Karakoram Highway (KKH) near the Khunjerab Pass in 1970, I could not find the border because there were no border posts. Today barbed wire entanglements visibly divide the two countries.

On the other hand, India and China embarked on a series of confidence building measures (CBMs) meant to consummate a complete rapprochement. U.S. overtures to India recently were a godsend for Pakistan – China re-discovered Pakistan through fresh geo-political eyes. Immediate Chinese aid was forthcoming – for a deep-sea harbour at Gwadar, for various road projects in the country including the crucial coastal highway and for railways projects and telecommunications .

September 11 is the Quaid's Death Anniversary, this date in 2001 will replace Pearl Harbor (December 7, 1941) in history as the ultimate day in infamy, unsurpassed for sheer horror and effect on U.S. and world morale. Whatever quantum of material and human havoc was their objective in striking at the twin towers of the World Trade Center (WTC), in their wildest imagination the terrorists could never have anticipated the long term economic and psychological consequences they achieved with their Kamikaze.

We woke up to a new world on September 12, 2001. The U.S. President's declaration of war on international terrorism notwithstanding, the U.S. has itself gone on a state of internal siege. The freedom within the U.S. was a beacon of hope for the third world. Can this aspiration be ever realised in our lifetime?

The war against terrorism is not directed towards Islam. Public perception in the U.S. which blames it on Muslims at large has led to many individual attacks against Muslims. Muslims in the U.S. do not approximate what the hapless Jews were to Nazi Germany before and during World War II, yet the portents are alarming.

Due to ignorance, wrong media projection and ill-advised comments by fairly senior people, there is a simmering undercurrent of anti-Muslim persecution. Pakistan supports the Taliban, yes, but why should its citizens have borne a fair share of the attacks? The terrorists who took part in the September 11 terrorist attacks were without exception not of Pakistani origin. Finger-pointing at Afghanistan is logical because of Osama bin Laden, but why target Pakistan? The American public is generally broadminded and fair. If the media does not slant facts, things will become better.

Seeped in the geo-politics of this region as well as our history with Afghanistan, Musharraf moved swiftly to effect damage control. He scored big by his quick support to the U.S., the rough indicators of success being: the expected reaction in the streets has not taken off, at least as yet the sanctions against Pakistan have been or are in the process of being lifted and India's visible anger with the U.S. for not putting Pakistan an

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