World leaders should coordinate a short and long-term strategy to tighten the noose on Al Qaida and its offshoots.
Increasingly, it seems as though the insane are running the asylum.
Global suspicion and distrust continue to overwhelm global unity, stubbornness trumps common sense, and leaders' PR stunts not only fail to win; they actually succeed in offending the hearts and minds of young people (more than 60 per cent of the Middle East and South Asia).
Yet, despite all the doom and gloom, there are brief flashes of hope when you can be lulled into thinking that perhaps those of sound mind will grow weary of the constant suffering, resist their crazed captors and seize control.
Thursday was one of those days. Thousands of Jordanians, venting their grief and united in anger, took to the streets to protest Abu Musab Al Zarqawi, whose Al Qaida in Iraq coordinated three Amman hotel bombings on Wednesday that killed 57 and injured over 120.
Al Qaida made a mistake in Jordan that mirrors their missteps in Saudi Arabia two years ago.
Though Al Zarqawi took aim at King Abdullah's close ties with Washington, his attacks killed and injured scores of Jordanians and other Arabs.
Similarly, in Riyadh the group's attacks on housing compounds resulted in scores of Arab casualties.
Public attitudes shifted perceptibly, depriving the group of much needed popular and practical support.
While making a strong show of support for Abdullah, world leaders should be coordinating a short and long-term strategy to exploit Al Zarqawi's current weakness and tighten the noose on other Al Qaida offshoots.
Global terrorism needs a global response, not just conferences but coordinated action plans that require each member to perform specific actions in defence of all.
But to succeed, some "sacred cows" of each country's domestic and foreign policy will have to be sacrificed.
Here is where the rational (dare I say realists?) have to triumph over the reactionary.
While there is certainly no guarantee that any of the above is likely to happen any time soon, here is a 10 point plan for rooting out Al Qaida or any other international affliction:
(1) Take Islam out of terror: Al Zarqawi and Osama Bin Laden disguise their barbarity as "Islamic".
No one, not fellow Muslims and certainly not Western leaders, should accept that label. Not a single religion condones the deliberate murder of innocents.
(2) America, in context: There is no denying America's status as the pre-eminent world power both economically and politically.
But there is also no denying that resentment of US muscle flexing, whether verbal or military, has harmed our image and undermined key policy goals.
Working, as Washington did prior to the first Gulf War, within a truly multilateral context would frame initiatives as international and increase chances for success.
Exhibit A: the handling of the assassination of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri, including Syria's withdrawal from Lebanon and the ongoing UN investigation into the murder.
Basic standard
(3) Values that inspire confidence and trust: There's plenty of room for improvement in all countries.
This global endeavour will demand each member nation agree to a basic standard of civil and human rights, much like the 1975 Helsinki Accords which countries behind the Iron Curtain signed to dialogue with Western European nations.
(4) Settling the Palestine question: End the myth of the "zero sum game", that an Israeli gain is a Palestinian loss, and vice-versa. Everyone Europe, the US, the UN, Russia and Arab nations has a role to play.
The obstacles are enormous. While senior officials in the Bush Administration deride any attempt to discuss "root causes" of terrorism, every poll taken in the past 20 years has consistently proven that the plight of Palestinians fuels resentment and hostility.
(5) Rebranding Palestine: For too long, the cause that Palestinians rightly champion has been expropriated by others, from self-serving Arab leaders to terrorists in search of recruits.
Meanwhile, Palestinians lack a coherent vision of their own future. Their leaders spend too much time jockeying for political power and too little time identifying options.
The unilateral Gaza withdrawal, the gradual loss of the eastern part of occupied Jerusalem, and a threat to effectively cantonise the West Bank should spur them into constructive action.
Meanwhile, Arab leaders should play a larger and more vocal role. The Saudi-shepherded Arab peace plan is a good place to start anew. The plan offers diplomatic recognition in exchange for a return to 1967 borders.
(6) Enfranchise peoples of the region: Democracy is about more than just elections. It is not a cure all, and cannot be imposed by force.
That said, more and more young people have less and less to do, few opportunities for employment, and are increasingly frustrated.
They should be able to voice their concerns, and not only in the mosque. Empower local governments to tackle the problems of their communities, which should include forming or reinvigorating municipal councils.
(7) Your passport is not a reason to discriminate: Irrespective of the nationality, the same treatment should apply to all. A country's national security is ill-served by degrading prospective visitors, students, businesspeople and academics.
(8) Connect peoples: Not everyone can travel, study abroad or work for a global enterprise.
Traditional exchange programmes should be supplemented by online dialogue, interactive websites and 100 per cent IT penetration of remote regions.
The goal is to expand horizons even for those who lack the means to travel beyond them.
(9) Expand public-private partnerships: The expansion of IT programmes to disadvantaged communities is largely a product of corporate involvement and donations.
More might be forthcoming with better coordination and communication. The same would apply to job creation.
(10) "Your true friend is one who is honest with you, not one who agrees with you" (Arabic saying). Need I say more?
Maggie Mitchell Salem is a political and communications consultant based in Washington, DC. Previously, she was director of communications at the Middle East Institute and a special assistant to former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.
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