Musharraf opens a new political front

Wearing army fatigues and throwing caution to the wind, Pakistan's military ruler General Pervez Musharraf launched his political career at the Lahore referendum rally. The referendum ordinance introduces a novel way for a military ruler to seek a public mandate to take on the politicians, further consolidating his power base.

Standing before Minar-i-Pakistan, where the idea of Pakistan was born, Musharraf gave a practical demonstration of the Pakistani army's overt involvement in the country's politics.

Musharraf directed his attack at Pakistan's two main politicians, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, and called them "plunderers". He said he would not allow them to return to loot the country.

Consistently rejecting all advice to publicly take the position that "law will take its course" on the two politicians, Musharraf again criticised the two. He attacked Benazir and Nawaz Sharif's policies and blamed them for "selling out" Kashmir.

Musharraf also lashed out against religious parties for creating and supporting the Taliban and for misguiding the youth on Afghanistan.

Few things would be politically more destabilising for Pakistan than a person in power launching an attack against religious parties who have supported the Taliban. It is in the interest of Pakistan to remain quiet about the past while correcting mistakes.

Yesterday's coup leader is now trying to transform himself into a popular military President. With his financial integrity and genuine commitment to reforming Pakistan, Musharraf is now the practical politician constrained to drawing from the traditional reservoir of "dirty tricks".

Politics is not a noble profession. It is the art of the possible. An example can be seen in how the Punjab organisers turned to one who stands for much that is maligned in politics.

Tariq Aziz, one of the leaders of the Pakistan Muslim League who attacked the Supreme Court under Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, was the master of ceremonies.

The political rhetoric used during the rally by the governor of Punjab and the nazim was like that of any other politician.

Musharraf has indeed thrown down the gauntlet to all the political parties and to those who are critical of the referendum and of his active involvement in politics. He has stepped out of the GHQ, the Presidency and the television screen, and come face to face with the people.

Addressing the largely "state-sponsored" crowd, Musharraf said: "I have come to seek your support. I want to know for sure if people are behind me. I want to know if people are with me."

The PCO provided him infinite legal authority. Now he seeks political authority and a reaffirmation of his all-powerful position through the referendum.

The Referendum Ordinance, Chief Executive's Order No. 12 of 2002, reads: "Notwithstand-ing anything contained in the Constitution or any law for the time being in force, if the majority of votes cast in the referendum are affirmative, the people of Pakistan shall be deemed to have given the democratic mandate to General Parvez Musharraf to serve the nation as President of Pakistan for a period of five years to enable him to consolidate the reforms and the reconstruction of institutions of the State for the establishment of genuine and sustainable growth, including the entrenchment of the local government, to ensure continued good governance for the welfare of the people and to combat extremism and sectarianism for the security of the state and the tranquility of the society."

Hence the referendum question links Pakistan's reform and stability to the person of Musharraf. The general, hence, becomes indispensable and on his survival lies the future of Pakistan.

Meanwhile, the political parties opposing the referendum are looking for a political response. The task of confronting state power, a man who still enjoys public goodwill, a politically unmotivated public, and above all their own inability to make the transition from preachers to politicians taking a stand on issues, including the central question of abuse of power, is one that must appear very daunting to them.

Within a five-day period, Musharraf's speech and the referendum rally have clearly laid out the contours of his brand of democracy. He is confronted with the task of cleaning and reforming state structure, with the help of political liabilities. He, of course, believes that these alliances are temporary and tactical.

However, come October, the quid pro quo sought by his political allies may create new problems. Perhaps even before October.

Musharraf is no longer a referee. He is now a player in the evidently unequal October contest he is arranging. The referendum is no longer the issue. Its outcome has been pre-judged. Former army general and the present governor of Punjab Khalid Maqbool too has said that it is a done deal.

The issue is how Musharraf progresses as a political leader in Pakistan. Referendum rallies are Musharraf's launch pads for becoming Pakistan's first populist military dictator.

Musharraf is presenting himself to the public as another political leader. Stepping into the political fray, he, like his military precedessors, is taking on two key political leaders and seeking an alliance with others.

Only this time there are no hidden scripts. He has openly met and praised those who are willing to strike a political deal with him. He needs the support of potential parliamentarians in the post-October phase.

Most of his allies, barring the pro-government Muslim League whose members can win seats, will need state patronage to win the elections.

Musharraf has abandoned the role of a bridge-builder which he sees as an idealistic objective. He is playing the role of a statesman who can actually ensure that all major political parties agree on the "rules of the game" for the exercise of power.

Lack of trust in the politicians makes Musharraf conclude that such statesmanship which looks at the issues simplistically can devour the very domain and the position of the statesman. As was the case with the author of the Sovet Union's Perestroika, Mikhail Gorbachev.

Disregarding advise Musharraf like to chalk out his own agenda. He now views himself as the indispensable phenomenon in the progress of Pakistan.

His track record does not show that he is either a power hungry or a devious man. But where does he draw his lessons in politics from?

Rejecting any similarity between himself and former military dictators and convinced of the correctness of his own path for Pakistan, he said in Lahore: "I want to make it clear that I am neither Zia nor Ayub. I am Pervez Musharraf and I have my own way of doing things."

He is indeed neither Zia nor Ayub, but historical lessons point to the centrality and indispensability of processes and institutions for a nation's progress. Musharraf has now launched himself into a struggle for power and the need for power bases.

As he seeks political power, for now, he appears to be opting for tenuous bases while opening new fronts on the Pakistan political scene.

This perspective is by Nasim Zehra, an analyst on Pakistani affairs based in Islamabad.