It's time to stand up and be counted

In his first reaction to the internal report published by the EU Election Observers' team, Pakistan President General Pervez Musharraf has repeated his "cultural specificity" argument. "They do not know about the political culture of the country and see Pakistani political culture from the eyes of the British system."

Musharraf has repeatedly argued against uniformly applied principles of democracy. But his argument is a faulty one. Democracy is a system evolved to distribute and exercise political power within a given society. When he argues for cultural specificity he is actually advocating a different kind of power distribution from that which he argues has existed.

His perception that power has always been in the irresponsible hands of the politicians too is questionable. Anyway, until October 14 when the Parliament meets, Musharraf will have his own way. Post-October 14 the real power play will begin.

Then, through fair polling the "outsiders" will become "insiders" in Parliament, hopefully exercising their power wisely and consistently. The recently conducted BBC poll reflects the general wisdom that the king's men alone will not become the "insiders".

The Pakistan Peoples Party, Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) and others will occupy seats in the parliament.

The EU report, which the leader says contains "no conclusions, only observations", has merely echoed concerns of the Pakistanis.

Raised questions

It has criticised newly introduced election requirements, doubted the credibility of the chief election commissioner, and raised questions about institutionalising the role of the military through the establishment of the National Security Council, targeting of former Prime Ministers and disqualification of Shahbaz Sharif without any legal basis.

Key political figures still struggle for political survival by using ways they know - through the U.S., the Pakistani courts and the Pakistani press.

Hence at a University in the U.S., former prime minister Benazir Bhutto suggested: "The U.S. and its allies must ensure that elections are transparent and open to all parties and all candidates."

Shahbaz Sharif from Jeddah, meanwhile, told Pakistani newsmen: "We have been vindicated and the government's charges of default made against me have been shown to be totally malafide."

Earlier, a full bench of the Lahore Court had ruled that he was not a defaulter. However, since his signatures on the election application were forged he could not contest the elections.

Moving in the grey zones, Pakistan's politicians simultaneously attack and engage in Musharraf's power scenario and institutions involved in political "management".

Grey is the zone of flexibility, of adjustment and of accommodation, one that Pakistani voters are very familiar with, through the 'flexibility' of civilian and military political player on issues of principles and political practices. Black and white is the stuff of the purist.

Also of the revolutionary, a breed almost non-existent on the Pakistani political scene. Maybe equally unknown elsewhere too. The purist, the revolutionary, is the barrier to deeper understanding and to bridging the simplistic adversary and friend divide existing between people and with the state breeding intolerance, hatred and violence.

Pakistan's grey zones, however, are not wisdom driven. They are expediency driven. They always have been. Where no rules exist, motivation for principled action evaporates. Expediency generally flourishes.

Today in Pakistan expedient politicians are playing a game which has new rules - those that the National Reconstruction Bureau has evolved. The motives are numerous.

Principally, a hand at 'genetic engineering' in politics is being tried. Similar to what military dictators have tried before. Even as far away as Latin America.

And rarely has it worked. Musharraf believes his way is the 'right' way.

Not convinced, like many in Pakistan, politicians have entered the Musharraf-controlled political fray because they believe, beggars cannot be choosers.

They all know, as does everybody that there is today an Islami-Jamhoori-Ittihad (IJI) 2002 in the fray, the Trojan horse that was floated to destroy Benazir in an earlier election.

The PML(Q), the PPP (Sherpao), the Sindh Democratic Front and the Millat party constitute this version. Without any doubt they are blessed and patronised by the state institutions.

At least in the run up to the elections, the knowledge that they are the king's group would provide them a real edge over the rest. It has not been a level playing field in so far as the political class is concerned. Hence the pre-poll rigging.

Against this backdrop with the political lot being 'engineered', election day rigging may just not take place.

Fight on their hands

This engineering notwithstanding, the politicians still have a fight on their hands. All is not squandered on the democracy front by the general who insists he knows what is best for Pakistan.

The election day and the campaigning itself provides the opportunity to the politicians. They understand this. So, a boycott is wisely out. They also vacillate between writing off the present set-up and staying away from directly attacking Musharraf.

For example Benazir's followers announced that they will reject all except two constitutional amendments, but refused to say whether they will seek the ouster of the author.

"That for the moment is a hypothetical question," said PPP acting secretary general Raza Rabbani when asked whether Musharraf's presidency will be challenged.

They criticise, while knowing the nuanced outcome of even a widely criticised condition of graduate candidates. If the 'graduate' condition has knocked out big names, it has also prompted handing down of the political mantle.

Sons of people like Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, Gohar Ayub, Mumtaz Bhutto, Pir Pagara are all in the electoral fray.

The elections are no referendum. A real contest is at hand. Electoral alliances and seat adjustments have taken place. Not all are inspired by agencies. The ANP and the PPP(S), the PPP and PML(N) have opted for seat adjustments in some areas and the Muttahida Mahaz-i-Amal (MMA)is a major electoral alliance of religio-political parties.

Element of competition

Across the country in all electoral constituencies the element of competition is at work. At least three to four candidates from major parties are contesting for each seat. In the NWFP alone, the MMA, the PPPP, the PML(Q), the ANP and the PTI have fielded candidates in more than 80 per cent of the national and provincial seats.

Whatever the criticism, this is what we have for democracy in Pakistan. This is what we have to work with.

Apart from the illegal barring of three or four politicians, the rest are all in the fray - those who have emerged from within the people, from within us, to want to enter the political fray.

They want to be our representatives in parliament. Many of them believe in the fundamentals of democracy; of freedom of expression, of association, of keeping the