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US President Barack Obama (L) meets with Saudi King Abdullah (R) at Rawdat Khurayim, the monarch's desert camp 60 miles (35 miles) northeast of Riyadh, on March 28, 2014. Obama arrived in Riyadh for talks with Saudi King Abdullah as mistrust fuelled by differences over Iran and Syria overshadows a decades-long alliance between their countries. Image Credit: AFP

Riyadh: President Barack Obama’s visit to Saudi Arabia on Saturday came with a decision to dramatically expand America’s covert programme to assist the Free Syrian Army, a key concern for Saudi Arabia which has been struggling to topple the presidency of Syrian leader Bashar Al Assad.

According to Saudi sources, this is the single most important pledge made by Obama to King Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz, which would now translate into accelerated military transfers from Saudi stocks blocked in Jordan for several months.

It remains to be determined what type of weapons will be transferred or whether Washington will accept that Riyadh hand over shoulder-launched surface-to-air missiles known as Manpads (Man-portable air-defence systems) to end the devastating use of air force planes and helicopters by the Syrian Arab Army in bombarding civilian targets.

Although critics concluded that the US was desperately trying to pivot to Asia by getting out of the Middle East and that the American empire was waning, Washington was actually caught in the whirlwind of an obstructionist Iran, which dragged talks over its nuclear programme with leading world powers.

With this critical visit, President Obama assured King Abdullah that he was a realist at heart, even if the conundrum he faced was palpable in more ways than one.

The two men disagreed on Egypt and a few other issues, though no one expected a full and complete meeting of the minds.

Nevertheless, by engaging senior Al Saud ruling family members, Obama gained fresh insight into Saudi motivations, especially their determination to stand firm on core concerns.

For its part, Riyadh continues to perceive Washington as a solid ally, though it remains to be determined whether Obama professed any reciprocity.

King Abdullah was crystal clear on core questions including preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons, ending the civil war in Syria, launching counter-terrorism efforts to combat extremism, including those of the Muslim Brotherhood variety, and supporting negotiations to achieve peace in the Middle East.

He stressed his desire to see Washington rise to the occasion. According to two senior members of the ruling Al Saud family, the two-hour-long discussion between King Abdullah and Obama was “frank” and, as expected, comprehensive. Follow-up meetings between the Obama team and heir apparent Salman Bin Abdul Aziz, as well as Deputy Prime Minister Muqrin Abdul Aziz were, apparently, equally fruitful.

In fact, Saudi officials described the talks as “useful,” notwithstanding sharp disagreements on several key issues, although local papers confirmed that the eight-decade-old strategic alliance retained every aspect of its value.

To be sure, disagreements emerged over Iran and, in the aftermath of the post-2010 Arab uprisings over Egypt and Syrian too, even if Washington and Riyadh enhanced their ties on several key fronts, including security matters and counter-terrorism concerns.

Although ailing, the Saudi monarch was in full command of his mind, as he elaborated to his guest what Saudi Arabia’s long-term regional policies were. He also welcomed Washington’s commitments to uphold the regional balance of power.

In fact, an official US Embassy spokesperson, Johann Schmonsees, affirmed that the meeting was “excellent,” which belied comments by leading analysts who concluded that Washington was “paying the cost of supporting the House of Saud” because, allegedly, “cracks” had appeared in the relationship.

One observer concluded that the US-Saudi relationship was “peculiar,” as it groups “a reactionary theocratic monarchy... and a republic that claims to be the chief exponent of secular democracy.” Unabashedly, Patrick Cockburn penned an acerbic opinion essay in the London Independent, in which he asserted that “American, British and other foreign visitors to Saudi Arabia usually behave with fawning respect towards their hosts in the belief that it is in their national interest to do so,” presumably because Western powers aim to preserve their lucrative economic benefits.

For its part, the Iranian Al Alam News network and several pro-Iranian outlets in Lebanon including Al Safir daily, quoted an October 2013 Foreign Policy essay by Kori Schake, which asserted that Saudis opposed fundamental American values.

Furthermore, he alleged that Riyadh funded and armed “virulent jihadists,” unaware of anti-Jihadist policies adopted by the government. At the time, Schake, a former US government official currently affiliated with the Hoover Institution in California, titled his caustic missive “Saudi Arabia’s Unhappy. So What?,” a headline that was devoid of serious meaning given what was at stake.

In the event, and while few debated vital American commitments to defend Saudi Arabia and other Arabian peninsula governments, it is amply evident that King Abdullah finally managed to impress the president, as Obama confided that he would insist with securing an ironclad accord with Iran.