BJP and Mulayam form alliance of convenience

Finally, the intimate nature of the Bharatiya Janata Party's relationship with the Samajwadi Party is out in the open.

But the chumminess is not a new flavour, it has existed all through and was amply manifested on plenty of occasions in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) rule. Just before Lok Sabha elections this year, Atal Bihari Vajpayee had counted SP among the BJP's friends.

Sensing trouble, Mulayam Singh Yadav decided to deny it. On the other hand, nobody can deny that SP would have found an excuse to back NDA if the latter were only 40 or thereabout seats away from a majority.

It was the same feeling that showed up at a recent platform in Lucknow, where Vajpayee openly courted friendship with SP.

The only difference this time was that Mulayam Singh was left with no option and could not deny it, for he was right there on the platform with Vajpayee.

The relationship was declared to exist in national interest.

Besides, some senior BJP leaders have long held the view that there is no harm in sacrificing UP in favour of Mulayam, if BJP gets to keep the Centre as quid pro quo. It is only pressure from BJP workers and some state leaders that is enforcing the status quo.

Whether this pressure is sufficient is a hard guess to make. What can be guessed is that something is definitely cooking in the BJP's kitchen.

A proof comes from the number of dinners that are being hosted in Delhi bungalows for the leaders from the two parties to socialise.

The late P.V. Narasimha Rao has been saluted in the press as the "Chanakya" of Indian politics, and the father of Indian economic reforms. But one aspect of Rao overlooked in the media is the indifference the man showed for the media. He was never a media-driven politician and never bothered about the press. Consequently, he had very few friends in the media.

His discomfort was often the highlight of the press conferences he attended. Often all he had in reply to a long worded question was a simple nod of the head, which in itself was routinely misinterpreted.

But he knew his words too. When criticised for a lack of ability to take timely decisions, he was probably the only person to come up with an answer: Not taking a decision is a decision in itself. He often formulated strategy for himself and expected others to fall in line and back him.

The demolition of Babri Masjid was an event profound enough to have brought down any prime minister. But it was Rao indeed who not only managed to hold on to the saddle, but also pulled an unlikely consensus in his leadership.

The National Judicial Commission Bill was brought in the Lok Sabha before the elections this year, but the ensuing elections had a chilling effect and the Bill lapsed confined to cold storage.

A sad development indeed, for a national level Judicial Commission is the order of the day.

While there are chronic complaints against judges perched on the higher levels of the judiciary, it is the almost rotten state of the lower judiciary that deserves all the attention.

It's good that Chief Justices hold enough competency on complaints against the judges, but it will also be good if the proposed commission is seen as initiator of fundamental changes in administration of the judiciary. In any case, the commission has to be headed by a former judge.

The writer is a member of the Rajya Sabha