Hariri takes the flak for confessionalism

It is rather ironic that in a country like Lebanon, where confessionalism is the rule of the game, one can be accused of being "confessional" in his views. After all, Lebanon is a state created in 1920, destroyed from 1975 until its resurrection in 1990 on confessional standards.

It is no secret that everybody in Lebanon is inclined towards his or her religious community. Even those who claim to be working for all of Lebanon find themselves, at one point or another, working for the strict interest of their co-religionaries.

Nearly everyone today, however, is accusing Prime Minister Rafiq Al Hariri of harbouring confessional policies and of emerging as a leader of the country's Sunnis and not, as a prime minister should be, a leader of all of Lebanon.

For the past 10 days, Lebanon's media, along with its political and religious establishments, have been slamming down hard on the prime minister, lashing him with the word "confessional."

From personal experience, as a specialist in Middle Eastern affairs and a resident of Beirut for the past six years, I can safely say that every person in Lebanon is confessional in his views. That is not wrong, however, in a country built on a political, social, and religious equilibrium between all of its different sects.

In fact, one who is not confessional would fail drastically in the complex web of Lebanese politics.

What is wrong, however, is the excuse taken by some to denigrate the prime minister's image and embarrass him domestically and regionally a fortnight before the upcoming Arab summit in Beirut, scheduled for March 27-28.

The storm began when Hariri appeared in a television interview on March 3, broadcast by his Future TV, to talk about the country's economic challenges. Hariri said that "some people" are responsible for the country's economic stalemate because they have no faith in economic reform.

Those who have been predicting an economic collapse happened to be Christians, he added, pointing out that members of the Christian community were emigrating in large numbers and refusing to contribute to the country's economic construction.

The first to respond was the Maronite Patriarch Mar Nasrallah Boutros Sfeir, who issued a strongly worded declaration on March 6 expressing his disappointment in the prime minister's words. He made no direct reference to Hariri, however, yet criticised "confessional language that leads to tremendous strife." He added that no single community in Lebanon can be held directly responsible for the country's economic break-down.

The mass circulation Beiruti daily Al-Nahhar, speaking for the disgruntled Christians, was also quick to capitalise on the diplomatic blunder. The newspaper wrote, "It is sad that someone who earned the biggest parliamentary election victory in the history of Beirut does not practice the leadership he is capable of exerting." Instead of being a pan-Lebanese leader, Hariri was "closing his ears" and turning into an old-fashioned Sunni chieftain.

Real life

Al-Nahhar called on Hariri to "abandon his huge entourage and take a walk among the unemployed" to see how bad the situation was in real-life.

Lebanese Parliamentarian Nayla Mouawad, widow of former President Rene Mouawad, issued a statement on March 7 questioning the motives behind Hariri's position. Speaking at a lecture at the University of Saint Joseph she accused Hariri of failing to assume his responsibilities "as prime minister for all the Lebanese."

She said, "Is it that he wanted to confessionalise the economic debate and to hide behind his community? Or is it that he wants to make the Lebanese forget about the real problem and make others assume responsibility for the economic and political collapse of the system of which he is a basic pillar?" She asked how "someone as reasonable as Hariri" could suggest such a aberration?

The Zhgorta MP made reference to a recent editorial that was written in his privately owned newspaper al-Mustaqbal which spoke of Hariri's decision to put an end to state endorsement of exclusive agencies, owned mainly up till now by Christian businessmen.

The editorial, written by Hariri's top editor Fadel Shalaq, a Sunni, boasted that the prime minister's decision had put an end to the Christian economic monopoly and made room for the country's Muslims to manoeuvre.

Shalaq added that in 1989 the Taif Accord had terminated the political monopoly of Lebanon's Christians, creating a balance in the distribution of power, and today, Hariri's measure would create a similar balance in the distribution of wealth.

Effectively this means that no businessman can claim to be an "exclusive agent" for any foreign product (automobiles, electronics, clothes, etc). In reference to the editorial Mouawad said that for a minute, people believed that the confessional logic "was only that of the newspaper's editor."

In recent weeks, the prime minister's bureau has desperately tried to mend the fissure that is spreading between Muslims and Christians. Shalaq wrote another editorial, revoking his first and explaining that he had no intention of insulting any of the country's sects. Fearing a sharp reprisal, however, he turned down an offer to speak on the Lebanese Broadcasting Channel (LBC), Lebanon's prime pro-Christian network.

Meanwhile, Hariri rallied the support of friends in both the Muslim and Christian communities. He contacted Patriarch Sfeir on March 4 and dispatched his political advisor Daoud Sayyigh to clarify any ambiguities that the bishop may have.

Cooling down

To Hariri's defence also came the Beirut MP Nabil de Freij who said "Hariri sees Lebanon with Muslims and Christians," urging the Maronite bishops to reconsider their March 6 declaration.

Human rights activist Sanan Barraj also rushed to Hariri's side by criticising the Patriarch and saying that "the only way to exit this situation is to isolate religious figures from politics and keep them from interfering in them."

Master Speaker Nabih Berri also rallied in favour of Hariri, meeting with Muslim religious leaders and calling on them to refrain from issuing any statements in response to the bishops declaration. A sharp response at such a stage he claimed, would spark off a situation that would never end.

It is no secret that the Christians in Lebanon are facing a "depression." They are no longer the powerful community that they once were, neither in the political nor economic field. Most of the sect's leaders have been killed off during the war while those who remain are either in exile or in jail.

The latest to be killed from the traditional Christian leaderships was Elie Hobeika, a former warlord, who was blown apart by unknown assailants in January 2002. On March 8, Hobeika's former ally Michael Nasser, a ranking member of the Lebanese Forces (LF), was gunned down in Sao Paulo, Brazil.

Hariri's latest economic measures, the remarks made by al-Mustaqbal, the stalemate in reform, the continued Syrian hegemony and perhaps the killing of Hobeika and Nasser have all contributed as to why such a fuss is being heard in Lebanon today. Hariri might have been confessional in his discourse but it is unjust