Comment: The 'Lebanon' model for Arab democratisation

A decade after the long and largely inconclusive civil war, Lebanon is emerging from its doldrums, slowly but surely inching towards genuine nation-building.

While the democratic model that existed before 1975 was unique in the Middle East, its vibrancy and relative success were primary causes for its downfall and, sadly, for the destruction of an entire generation.

Yet, democratisation is in full swing in Beirut, with better prospects than generally assumed, provided the Lebanese abandon fratricide. Arab States, leaders and citizens alike, perceive developments in the smallest Arab country with trepidation but there is room for optimism especially because the Lebanese model has merit.

A visitor to Beirut is impressed by the physical reconstruction within downtown.

Major projects are under way along the sea front that will shortly change the skyline. Much more needs to be done, however, particularly on the sociopolitical level as past partisan habits linger.

Nevertheless, and despite a debilitating war, Lebanon is still the only Arab country where regular - and relatively free - elections are held, and where the head of state changes on a constitutional basis every six years. Few winners garner 99 per cent of the vote or rule in perpetuity.

Among other indicators of healthy democratisation is Beirut's legendary free press. To be sure, it is less free today than it was two decades ago, but the self-imposed restrictions do not prevent erudite and articulate editorialists to defend cogent positions on a variety of thorny subjects.

The country's leading institutions - from the prestigious American University of Beirut to newly created higher learning establishments - continue to cater to an undiminished appetite for learning. This sector received extensive attention, especially after 9/11, when a slew of Arab Gulf students opted to attend colleges in Lebanon.

Simple reason

Likewise, the economy is doing better, given the estimated over million Arab visitors that chose Lebanon as their favourite destination in 2003 (resulting traffic congestions notwithstanding).

All of this occurred for a simple reason, namely the Lebanese will to survive, against some odds. Resilient in their approach, and determined to come back even better, I wondered how that was possible when so much damage was imposed on a hapless population? Heated conversations with dozens of Lebanese persuaded me that most cherished a basic desire to exercise fundamental democratic rights.

As I watched with several Lebanese friends the recent carnage in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, and listened to US President George W. Bush speak of democratisation, I could not help but think how this small country would before long become the ideal model for all Arab States, including those in the Gulf.

Three specific attributes stood out:
First, the basic desire to be self-reliant. For despite many attempts, including outside interference, the Lebanese did not give up. Of course, many emigrated to more peaceful pastures, but others stayed and established unshakable claims to legitimacy. Those who stayed, it is often argued, did so because they could not leave but some who left are returning because their identity with the Lebanese "nation" was never broken.

Second, a partisan communal and religious war did not mean an end to either communal or religious identities. The Lebanese seem to realise that they have to accept and live with each other no matter what. Indeed, the tolerance that existed in the 1950s and 1960s was sorely missed and, at least in some parts of the country and for some enlightened leaders, it was returning as well.

Third, democratic institutions that existed before the civil war survived, even if all were severely tried. In addition to regular elections, the press continued to test the limits of whatever authorities ruled on a daily basis.

Many paid a very heavy price, but few abdicated.

In the end, just like a phoenix, Lebanon's political institutions became stronger. While the government enjoyed unprecedented powers, it was also a fact that Beirut was incapable of imposing itself on the entire population which, naturally, required serious compromises. A good example of democratisation.

The Lebanese slaughter affected everyone and everything. Yet, what was destroyed is being rebuild, even if at a snails pace, because the Lebanese are natural builders. They are also democrats at heart and believe in self-reliance.

There is a solid lesson here for the rest of the Arab world although one prays that sociopolitical developments elsewhere will never experience what Lebanon witnessed during its long struggle to reaffirm its democratic aspirations.

Arab countries seeking to emulate sociopolitical reforms need not look far to find a working model, warts and all, in their midst.

Joseph A. Kéchichian, author of several books, is an expert on the Gulf and Middle East affairs.