Most of Mandela’s policies were also those of the ANC

At the funeral of another revered veteran of South Africa’s liberation struggle, Nelson Mandela said: “Comrade Joe Slovo was one of those who taught us that individuals do not make history. Yet in each generation there are a few individuals who are endowed with the acumen and personal bearing which enable them to direct the course of events.”

Mandela could have been talking about himself. Many of the policies that he championed — including national reconciliation — were already part of the programme of his party, South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC). Mandela often described himself as a “disciplined cadre of the ANC”. But his personal charisma and skill as a national leader elevated him to something much more in the minds of many South Africans, to the benefit of the ANC.

Now, at one of the most turbulent time in its history, the ANC faces an election next year without the man who personified the best of the party and South Africa.

Officials and ministers in the government of South African president, Jacob Zuma, are mired in allegations of corruption and the misuse of state resources. Zuma himself is caught up in controversies involving the use of government money to upgrade his personal homestead and cronies who exploit their association with him. A key ANC ally, the Congress of South African Trade Unions, is paralysed by infighting thought to be linked to political machinations within the ruling party.

The heckling of Zuma by parts of the crowd during the national memorial service for Nelson Mandela on Tuesday is a reflection of some of the popular frustration with a leader who is seen to be benefitting from his position, while his government is failing to tackle persistently high unemployment and other social problems with the necessary effectiveness. The sentiment from critics on radio and social media is that he is failing to live up to the legacy of Mandela in word and deed.

In an interview with the South African Broadcasting Corporation, political science professor Adam Habib recalls that when Mandela first became president, he took a pay cut. “It was a powerful symbol. He was saying I’m going to make sacrifices myself...then only ask my people, my citizens to be patient.” Habib added that this was an important lesson, not only for the ANC, but South African business and trade union leaders, among others.

In a statement, the ANC has described the heckling as “despicable and unbecoming behaviour”. Other commentators have argued that while it was not the ideal occasion, the hecklers were exercising their freedom of expression, a democratic right for which Mandela fought.

In any event, there is little concern that the ANC, which has dominated elections in a democratic South Africa, will face a rout at the polls without Mandela. He has not been active in the ANC for much of the past 13 years, although he remained an important popular touchstone for the party.

Speaking to Gulf News, political analyst Ebrahim Fakir pointed out that dissent in the ranks of the ANC is not new — both Mandela and former South African president Thabo Mbeki faced significant opposition to some of their social and economic policies.

However, both were able to manufacture a wide consensus around their policies: Mandela with his moral authority; Mbeki from a bully pulpit, with less success. He was ultimately removed by the party from his positions of South African and ANC president, ironically in a move orchestrated by Zuma, ironically.

The issue, for Fakir, is that Zuma seems to have a far smaller base for his policies in the ANC and is not succeeding in drawing in more support. “People feel there is a lack of accountability, that there are no channels for communication, so they use whatever platform they can — no matter how inappropriate,” he explained.

He is not too concerned about the embarrassment of Zuma being booed in front of a gallery of world leaders. He points out that many of those sitting behind the South African president face similar problems in their own countries, from Brazil to the UK. Even Obama, whose oratory lifted the occasion, faces falling popularity at home.

Fakir predicts a tussle for the legacy of Mandela and what he stood for. The ANC was able to remain unified while opposing apartheid — a common enemy. However, since it came into power it has it has needed to forge a new consensus about its purpose.

While some feel that it must become more radical to meet the needs of South Africa’s people, others would want to defend the existing status-quo. Into this policy debate, there are also matters of personalities and patronage, as the ANC now has access to the temptations of the resources of state. And, said Fakir, each side will latch onto the facet of Mandela that suits their purpose. For as much as he was in favour of the redistribution of wealth and the social and economic development of South Africans, when in government he also pushed the adoption of conservative economic policies.

In the wake of the Mandela’s passing, South Africa came together for a brief moment to celebrate his life. All too soon, the country is again having to deal with its harsh political realities.

— Paul Stober is a senior journalist based in South Africa.