An extra 'P' does not give Pakistan stability

As if another 'P' would be the recipe for credence for the group of opposition turn-coats who threw their weight behind Pakistan's prime minister Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali, the birth of the country's newest political party says it all.

After days of haggling over how a new ruling coalition has been formed, Pakistanis have been given one of the most controversially manufactured governments in recent memory.

Jamali's eventual vote of confidence would not have been confirmed without the backing of the 10 members of the Pakistan People's Party Parliamentarians, who now function under the convenient garb of Pakistan People's Party Parliamentarians' Patriots - PPPPP! Patriotism for what, where and exactly why? There are no easy answers to that compelling question.

Instead, it's clear that far from the promise of an ideal democracy, Pakistan's new political order is in danger of becoming akin to another round of controversy after controversy. As the country struggles to return to civilian rule, there is little consensus on where and how General Musharraf's government first went wrong, trading the ideals spoken out so boldly on the eve of the 1999 coup for the emerging values of compromise.

Was it the choice of pushing mainstream leaders to become fringe dwellers in politics? Or was it indeed the failure to understand the context of political power? While there are no conclusive answers to such questions, an essential bottom line is clear.

With a number of politicians previously accused of corruption now back in politics, no one should be surprised that the journey which began with the hijacking drama over Karachi's airport in 1999 has culminated with embracing some of the most unwelcome pitfalls for a democracy.

For many among ordinary members of the Pakistani public, with the promise of a new beginning to reform the country now in tatters, the politics of status quo has indeed returned to haunt the country.

The new trend across the political spectrum with the convenient change of loyalties by politicians elected on one party's ticket and now allied with another, though a reminder of times to come, is hardly a failure of the new political order alone.

It is in fact the failure of the entire edifice which was promised to be created to take Pakistan towards an era of 'sham' free politics.

With a new set of rules for fair play thrown out of the window, one of the numerically largest oppositions in the country's entire history is now set to dominate the parliament with the promise of continued wrangling on a range of issues. Never before has Pakistan been locked in a similar predicament, where the outlook of its surrounding region and the divisions within have so profoundly challenged its future prospects.

The challenges of the present and the future indeed demand working towards a fresh national consensus on a range of issues. Yet, the series of controversies from the fallout following the presidential referendum to the validity of the Legal Framework Order (LFO) and from allegations of pre-election manipulation to post-election shenanigans must present a convincing argument that there's indeed very little light at the end of a long tunnel.

While the future of the overwhelming powers of General Musharraf is tied to the LFO-essentially the package of constitutional changes brought about ahead of the new parliament, opposition politicians are adamant in rejecting that package.

In this background, uniting Pakistan as never before may be a truly formidable task at a time when unity of concepts and ideas to reclaim the country's lost dream has become a distant hope.
The emerging scenario does not as yet challenge the continuity of the highest office in the land.

The presidency remains well protected with instruments ranging from dual charge - a civilian one combined with the overwhelming military chief's position - to the virtual absence of large street support to dissenting politicians if they choose to mount pressure.

Yet, the vital two-fold challenge, whose prospects for success now appear dim by comparison to the era before politics of compromise set in, is essentially the litmus test of nation building. On the one hand, with divisions across society along ethnic, sectarian, geographic and linguistic lines, Pakistan's political past has not been helped by the discord in its civil-military ties.

The days following the 1999 coup created an unprecedented opportunity for Pakistan's military rulers to quickly move towards regaining the public's support in recognition for their success in setting the pace for a new future.

For years before, Pakistan had been haunted by the frequent stories of corruption among ruling politicians and it was therefore natural for the public at large to demand justice.

The decade of the 90s began with the so called cooperative scandal whose fallout reverberated across the country as never more. Names of prominent politicians associated with the cooperatives scandal were revealed, raising hopes that they would be taken to task. More than a decade later, some of the most prominent names across the new parliament are indeed those very same politicians who were previously associated with one of the largest public rip-offs in Pakistan's history.

It's not surprising then that a cloud of gloom and disgust descends across the popular mindset, as those who shape mainstream opinion know well that the architects of that rip-off are freely moving about in search of opportunities for high office.

For the popular mood, there could be few tragedies greater than the sad conclusion that justice across Pakistan is only applied against the poor, weak and vulnerable who don't have powerful political connections.

Down the road, it should be no surprise if indeed the popular sentiment begins loosing faith in the capacity of the military-led establishment which was seen in the past as the last saviour in crisis. As a consequence of that mood, it should also be no surprise that repairing the damage done to civil-military ties, all in favour of setting the pace for a new Pakistan, may well become a profoundly difficult undertaking.

On the other hand, Pakistan's long search for returning to the principles of its founding fathers only promises to suffer significantly. The architects of the country must have never imagined some of the present day accepted practices across the political landscape.

If switching loyalties to suit one's convenience was ever even remotely accepted by Pakistan's first line of leaders on the eve of its partition and that too as a weak and vulnerable state, the country's very creation may have been jeopardised.

Yet, the dream which translated itself in to an eventual Pakistan was born on the strength of dedication to principles even when faced with the most insurmountable odds.

As gloom continues to dominate a good part of Pakistan's national sentiment, switching the country back to the legacy of its founders may well be the only cornerstone of a credible new beginning.

Yet, the politics of compromise unleashed have already set the pace for an unpleasant reality knocking on Pakistan's doors. A return to the ideals of a glorious past is unlikely