Beirut
Beirut: Hundreds were killed in the aftermath of a massive blast Image Credit: Supplied

When I first heard the news of the terrible explosion in Beirut, and then the rampant speculation about who might have set it off, my mind drifted back some 40 years to a dinner party I attended at the residence of Malcolm Kerr, then president of the American University of Beirut.

During the course of the dinner, someone mentioned the unusual hailstorms that had pelted Beirut the previous two nights. Everyone offered their explanations for this extreme weather event, before Malcolm, tongue in cheek, asked his guests, “Do you think the Syrians did it?”

Malcolm — a charming man and brilliant scholar, who was tragically murdered a few months later by unidentified assassins — was being both humorous and profound. He was poking fun at the Lebanese tendency to explain everything as a conspiracy, which is why we all laughed.

But he was also saying something profound about Lebanese society that, alas, also applies to today’s America: the fact that in Lebanon then, and even more so today, everything, even the weather, had become political.

The United States is becoming like Lebanon. Our political differences are becoming so deep that our two parties now resemble religious sects in a zero-sum contest for power. We call ours “Democrats and Republicans,” but ours now behave just like rival tribes who believe they must rule or die

- Thomas L. Friedman

Because of the sectarian nature of Lebanese society, where all the powers of governing and the spoils of the state had been constitutionally or informally divided in a very careful balance between different sects, everything was indeed political.

Every job appointment, every investigation into malfeasance, every government decision to fund this and not that was seen as advantaging one group and disadvantaging another.

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Between spasms of civil war

It was a system that bought stability in a highly diverse society  — but at the price of a constant lack of accountability, corruption, misgovernance and mistrust.

That is why the first question so many Lebanese asked after the recent explosion was not what happened, but who did it and for what advantage?

That is why the first question so many Lebanese asked after the recent explosion was not what happened, but who did it and for what advantage?

The United States is becoming like Lebanon. Our political differences are becoming so deep that our two parties now resemble religious sects in a zero-sum contest for power. We call ours “Democrats and Republicans,” but ours now behave just like rival tribes who believe they must rule or die.

While the Lebanese were concluding that the explosion was truly an accident, President Donald Trump was talking like a Beirut militia leader, declaring that it must have been a conspiracy.

“It was an attack,” he said his generals had told him. “It was a bomb of some kind.”

Everything becomes politics

But a society, and certainly a democracy, eventually dies when everything becomes politics. Governance gets strangled by it. Indeed, it was reportedly the failure of the corrupt Lebanese courts to act as guardians of the common good and order the removal of the explosives from the port — as the port authorities had requested years ago — that paved the way for the explosion.

When everything is politics, it means that everything is just about power. There is no centre, there are only sides; there’s no truth, there are only versions; there are no facts, there’s only a contest of wills.

If you believe that climate change is real, it must be because someone paid you off with a research grant. If you believe the president committed an impeachable offence trying to enlist the president of Ukraine to undermine Joe Biden, it’s only because you want power for your party.

Illiberal populists like Trump — or Bibi Netanyahu in Israel, Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, Viktor Orban in Hungary, Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey — deliberately try to undermine the guardians of facts and the common good. Their message to their people is, “Don’t believe the courts, the independent civil servants or the fake news generators; only trust me, my words and my decisions. This trend is not only hurting us, it’s literally killing us.

The reason Trump has utterly failed to manage the COVID-19 pandemic is that he finally met a force he could not discredit and deflect by turning it into politics: Mother Nature.

Bowing to scientific facts

The leaders of Germany, Sweden and South Korea asserted just the opposite, saying, “No, there are scientific facts independent of politics, and there is the common good, and we will bow to those facts, and we will serve the common good with a public health strategy.”

The other day Trump told a GOP audience in Cleveland that, if Biden won, he would “hurt the Bible, hurt God. He’s against God. He’s against guns. He’s against energy — our kind of energy.”

Yup, it turns out there is now Republican energy — oil, gas and coal — and Democratic energy — wind, solar and hydro. And if you believe in oil, gas and coal, you are also supposed to oppose face masks.

But if you listen to the street demonstrators in Beirut, you can hear how so many Lebanese are starved for a government that represents the common good.

Here in America, too. Who are the leaders many of us still respect and yearn for — even when we disagree with them? Think of the dignity of Al Gore gracefully submitting to a highly politicised Supreme Court decision giving the 2000 election to George W. Bush. Gore put the common good first. He took a bullet for America.

Trump would have torn America apart over that, and trust me, if he loses in November, there is no way he will put the common good ahead of his own and go quietly into this good night.

When you lose the realm of the sacred, that realm of the common good outside of politics, that is when societies collapse.

That is what happened to Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Libya and Iraq. And that is what is slowly happening to America.

Reversing this trend is the most important project of our generation.

Thomas L. Friedman is a Pulitzer prize-winning journalist and author

New York Times