Saugat-e-Modi: Change in BJP’s minority policy

First a well-publicised appearance at Jahan-e-Khusrau, Delhi’s festival of Sufi music. Followed by an even more emphatic outreach during Ramadan culminating in Eid-al-Fitr. Saugat-E-Modi, a campaign to distribute 3.2 million gift kits to underprivileged Muslim families across the country, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s photo on every Eid packet. Have Modi and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) changed their minority policy? This is the question on the minds and lips of many India-watchers.

“Does a leopard change its spots?” asks one of Modi’s many critics? But Modi, as we all know, is no leopard but a political leader and visionary, one of the most astute and powerful that India has known in the last hundred years. And for politicians, the adage might equally well be reversed. Even if a leopard does not change its spots, a politician certainly must. But a successful politician does so not too frequently and certainly not frivolously.

Indeed, since the Gujarat riots of 2002, Modi, who was then Gujarat’s chief minister, has been regarded by many as not very well-disposed to India’s largest minority. The 200-million plus Muslim demographic, although very diverse and geographically dispersed, forms a powerful political bloc and vote-bank.

True that India’s gargantuan welfare state does not discriminate on the basis of religion, community, caste, language, or region. In fact, it positively favours the socially disadvantaged, including “backward class” Muslims, in what is the world’s largest affirmative action programme. But who can deny that there are very few Muslim leaders, ministers, or members of parliament from the BJP?

The BJP has constantly maintained that it does not believe in the appeasement of minorities even as it has sought to build a broad-based Hindu majoritarian coalition, especially in what is known somewhat derisively as the “cow belt.” A very unfair appellation given that this constitutes India’s Hindi heartland north of the Vindhya mountains, with the largest states and most members of parliament. Indeed, he who wins states such as Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttarakhand, Himachal Pradesh, and, of course, Delhi, usually rules India. And that person, for the last 11 years has been Modi.

Therefore, it is no surprise if “Saugat-e-Modi” does seem to signal a major shift in policy. The Eid gift packs, containing dry fruits, food items, and clothing, were much appreciated, especially by those who couldn’t afford to get them on their own. But they also caused considerable heartburn among opposition politicians who have often projected themselves as champions of the minorities.

The BJP frames “Saugat-e-Modi” as part of its “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Viswas” (Together with all, development for all, trusted by all) philosophy, emphasising outreach to all communities, not just Muslims. Similar initiatives also target Sikhs and Christians in festivals like Baisakhi and Easter, suggesting a broader intent beyond Muslims alone. BJP leaders, like Minority Morcha chief, argue that “seva” (service) rather than appeasement is the watchword.

Opposition figures are quick to jump in calling it a calculated electoral move, especially with Bihar’s assembly elections looming ahead in 2025. Let us not forget that in this large central eastern state, Muslims form 17% of the electorate. One opposition leader dubbed the scheme “Saugat-e-Satta” (Gift of power), alleging that it is a hypocritical pivot from the BJP’s historical anti-appeasement stance. He cited the BJP’s past criticisms of opposition Iftar parties.

The timing and scale, certainly fuelled opposition accusations of political opportunism. In the present instance, the backfooting of the controversial Wakf reform bill is also an indication that a major pro-Muslim initiative is underway. We will have to await hard post-election data to confirm if voters have shifted because of such a measure. If the past is any indicator, Muslims have hardly ever voted for the BJP, regardless of sops or concessions.

But there could be another angle to consider, the BJP’s parent organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, whose centenary celebrations are ongoing. RSS supremo Mohan Bhagwat has often stressed that social cohesion rather than conflict is absolutely essential for India’s long-term progress and welfare. Political polarisation and brinkmanship were extremely dangerous and damaging to the social fabric of India, Bhagwat has repeatedly stated. Is Modi following the RSS line in his Eid outreach?

It would appear so, given his visit to the RSS headquarters at the beginning of the Hindu new year on March 30, which incidentally was a day before Eid Al Fitr. Modi made a fiery speech praising the RSS and profusely acknowledged his own training, indebtedness, and, indeed, affiliation to this paternal organisation. In a balancing act, he also paid a visit to Deekshabhoomi outside Nagpur, a gesture to another very large votebank. This memorial commemorates Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar’s conversion of those formerly treated as “untouchables” from Hinduism to Buddhism.

The optics of Bhagwat and Modi, both close to 75, smiling together on the same dais, was also cause for fevered speculation. One outspoken opposition politician of a former, now badly fractured alliance party even went so far as to say that Modi was scripting his retirement plans.

Why? Because the BJP has an unwritten rule that leaders over 75 should occupy guidance (margdarshak) rather than leadership (neta) roles. Modi’s giving up power or seeking another role than that of the prime minister seems unlikely. Maharashtra chief minister, Devendra Fadnavis, quickly dismissed this speculation, asserting Modi’s leadership until 2029. Some added in a whisper, “and beyond!”

Meanwhile, some eyes turned to Yogi Adityanath, the saffron-clad chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, widely regarded as the second most popular, if not powerful, BJP leader. He continues his hardline approach, often called “bulldozer politics” in a state that has the largest Muslim population — and Lok Sabha seats — in India.