Idea of Gulf Union must rest on a popular element

The question of Gulf unity is not one of ‘if’ but ‘when’. This was the overarching consensus reached by the participants of the two-day ‘Unity of the Arab States of the Gulf’ workshop, held for the first time as part of the annual Gulf Research Meeting organised by the Gulf Research Centre. The workshop brought together graduate students with different specialities, most of whom were from the Gulf region, to discuss the prospects of Gulf unity.

While social and mainstream media continue to focus on the seemingly precarious position that the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states find themselves in, following the very public differences regarding their internal security — which has led many to predict worse-case scenarios for the GCC’s future — the participants at this workshop seemed to adopt a more long-term view in which further Gulf integration was seen as a vital interest.

Although there was consensus on the idea of unity and the prospect of deeper Gulf integration, the exact nature of this ‘unity’, its timeframe, possible downsides and the realities of the current political regional landscape were all issues of debate. The broad conclusion was that a gradual move towards unity would be the most pragmatic and effective approach. The participants stressed the question as to how public participation would/should influence the ‘Gulf Union’ project and what effect further Gulf integration will have on democratisation of decision-making processes and structures of governance.

Participants were cautious of the immediate implementation of a Gulf Union, arguing that there was still too much ambiguity in the idea. Among other suggestions, public referendums on Gulf integration were proposed.

The Gulf Union was proposed two years ago. The sudden timing of its announcement and the uncertainty of its nature were causes of scepticism — not to mention the fear that a Gulf Union might become a vessel for hegemony of the big players. It is not surprising that there are yet to be any real and concrete developments following the proposal. It is clear that the strong unity rhetoric does not match the current internal tensions the GCC faces. The recent announcement that Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain will be returning their ambassadors to Doha, following the very public intra-GCC friction, is a positive development in one of the more uncertain periods in the GCC’s 33-year history.

Although things may be looking uncertain at the decision-making level of this regional organisation, there is more to the GCC than the union plan. Born out of a context-specific need for collective security, the GCC also benefited from solid grassroots foundations and builds on an existing regional popular ‘khaleeji’ (Gulf), which has been relevant to social, political and economic activity in the region long before the establishment of the GCC.

The GCC currently seems to be in a limbo in terms of the ability to cooperate and resolve in-house issues at the top levels of the decision-making process. However, the GCC is not merely an international organisation; the degree of interaction between the six states is sizeable and is not limited to elites and decision-makers. The GCC rests on strong common cultural, social and historical foundations that provide the context and legitimacy to the dialogue between decision-makers.

Any conception of a Gulf Union must rest on a popular element. The notions of kinship and strength through unity are central to Arab and Islamic political identities and have also been vital to the creation of the GCC. These notions are important to the cause of Gulf integration. If the GCC states choose to adopt elements of the European Union model to create a Gulf Union, notably a common currency, they should also create a democratically elected Gulf parliament with legislative powers and an international court to act as the Union’s judicial authority. The importance of accountability, transparency and the rule of law has been made abundantly clear following the events of the Arab Spring. A Gulf Union can only succeed if it upholds these values as a vessel for sustained regional integration and democratisation.

The customary form of public debate and political participation through majlis-style governance can no longer function as it did in a socio-political environment before being characterised by rapid modernisation, population boom and economic development. Some of the most dynamic and popular forums for social and political debate in the Gulf today are online social media platforms. The need for public debate and political participation is self-evident and Gulf societies are no exception.

Although customs and traditions remain integral to politics in Gulf states, the majlis cannot compete with the scale and ease of access of these new virtual spaces, especially when these discussions involve transnational issues and happen on a regional scale.

But online public spaces do not replace parliaments or government institutions and for further Gulf integration and a project of Gulf unity to succeed, Gulf states need to foster a culture of transnational debate and regional dialogue through official institutions (democratically elected Gulf parliament) and by empowering regional civil society.

Gaith Abdulla is a PhD candidate at Durham University researching Khaleeji identity. You can follow him on Twitter at www.twitter.com/gaith_ab