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The challenges of modernity and new power equations faced by Arabian Gulf countries

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Sean Foley, who teaches history at the Middle Tennessee State University, argues that conservative societies in the Arabian peninsula confronted "many of the same social, religious and economic problems as other states over the past century". He further posits that some "of the critical challenges that Gulf states face[d] in the 21st century (religious tensions, the role of gender and existential questions of identity), predate[d] the discovery of oil industry in 1930 and reflect[ed] centuries-old social and cultural factors in the Gulf" (page 4).

Although these are not earth-shattering revelations, their affirmation corrects mistaken assumptions held by isolated audiences, coupled with challenged reporters who seldom fail to repeat that all which is worthy in this part of the world is oil. To break such solid preconceptions, Foley wishes to come to terms with the rich diversity of opinion that is prevalent throughout the region, the critical challenges to local customs and undeniable pressures towards cultural tolerance, which motivate millions.

The Arab Gulf States follows a fairly standard academic course and is crammed with details that will delight the specialist without confusing the lay reader. It is divided into five chapters, along with an introduction and a conclusion. There is the customary Emergence of the Modern Gulf, 1930-1981 (chapter 2) discussion, which stresses family ties, rulerships and the creation of welfare states. This is followed by Globalisation, Wars and a Telecommunications Revolution (chapter 3), which focuses on the explosion of media coverage after the 1979 Iranian revolution. Foley underlines that such outlets "gave a platform to dissident voices and employed Arabic-speaking journalists who could follow their own inclinations" (page 7), even if this is somewhat exaggerated.

Shifting social structures

Chapter 4, The Twenty-First-Century Gulf, examines the steps taken by local governments to "address growing imbalances in their societies". Presumably, the rapid rise in oil prices "produced unintended socioeconomic and political outcomes, some of which [allegedly] undermined the stability of the GCC societies" (page 7).

The most interesting chapter in the book is the fifth, When Only Women Will Work, which adds clear value to our knowledge. Foley perceives Gulf women as the principal beneficiaries of the many changes that were ushered in throughout the region.

He focuses on the role that many played and continue to guide entire education set-ups as he provides ample evidence on how patriarchal structures are changing. The hyperbole aside, "women in GCC societies", writes Foley, "have acquired ever greater socioeconomic power in recent years, since they are the only group besides expatriates who are able to fill the positions created by the private sector" (page 170).

Apparently, they benefited far more than men from the massive investments made by Gulf governments in education starting in the 1970s and "since GCC girls are generally more literate and stay in school longer than their male counterparts", the author confirms, "this gap will only widen in the future" (page 170).

Such dramatic changes are bound to improve conditions, as the author wonders whether women are the solution to some of the Gulf states' shortcomings, even if some of the analyses are overstated.

Despite significant barriers, Foley believes that "women will be integrated into virtually every aspect of public and private life at home and abroad and will have an increasing say in how their societies are managed" (page 200). Whether women will evolve into natural allies to reform-minded Gulf rulers remains to be determined although such an outlook cannot be excluded.

In his brief conclusion, Beyond Oil and Islam, Foley underscores that although petroleum enhanced political legitimacy in the Arab Gulf states, one must look elsewhere to explain the rise of dissent and regular calls for political reforms.

He skilfully answers a variety of questions by identifying threats that may be "brewing beneath the surface", although one is never too sure whether these will slowly shift the tectonic balance of power plates in gradual and peaceful ways, or whether they will be sudden and violent.

The novelty of this informative book is to place the importance of oil revenue in its proper perspective, granting Gulf rulers and their subjects a modicum of credibility for being good stewards of their wealth.

Nevertheless, Foley places too much confidence in the so-called telecommunications revolution, "which has brought news of democracy (as well as regime misdeeds) to people's homes, the lack of jobs for major segments of the male population and the increasing economic power of women and minority groups".

Truth be told, Arab Gulf rulers have grappled with the challenges of modernity with rare acumen and while the 1980 Arab Gulf saying, "My father rode a camel. I ride a Cadillac. My son flies a jet. My grandson will have a supersonic plane. But my great-grandson … will be a camel driver" (page 1) is purely entertaining, it is also wishful thinking.

Dr Joseph A. Kéchichian is an author, most recently of Faysal: Saudi Arabia's King for All Seasons (2008).

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