Nationalism at heart of furore over Mursi

Cairo: Boys too young to understand history wave Egyptian flags and men who have known war hold high pictures of generals in a surge of nationalism that has swept the richest boulevards and poorest villages of a country battling over its identity.

Patriotic songs drift from car radios and stories of the past — raising the pyramids and building the great dam at Aswan — are recounted with fresh fervour to connect them with last month’s protests and the coup that overthrew Egypt’s first Islamist president. The undoing of Mohammad Mursi and his Muslim Brotherhood movement was born of economic ruin and political enmities. But the underlying furore emanated from a fear among millions of Egyptians that the Brotherhood was seeking to recast the nation’s character in the image of Islamic law. That aroused nationalist passions similar to those that upended British rule more than 60 years ago. The political designs between the pro- and anti-Mursi factions couldn’t be more opposite, but each has adopted the flag as its symbol. Thousands of the president’s Islamist loyalists staging a sit-in at the Raba’a Al Adawiya mosque chant from beneath a sea of national colours to show that their patriotism is as deep as that of those who support the largely secular military-backed government. The Brotherhood, however, cannot claim the nation’s soul. It may argue — correctly in the eyes of many — that a freely elected president was illegally removed from power. But Egypt’s sense of nationhood has for decades been distilled through a reverence for the military, not a religious ideology many believe threatens the future. The army, though, faces challenges to its carefully drawn mystique. It rallied Egyptians against the Brotherhood and has vowed to break up Islamist protests beginning as early as Monday. Fearing the prospect of casualties, the military has been reluctant to storm the Raba’a sit-in, leading to questions about the generals seemingly stoking nationalist feelings yet not moving to crush what they vilified as Islamist extremism. Despite such misgivings, the army is still regarded as the country’s ultimate protector and wellspring of identity. It has chastised the U.S. and Europe for interfering in Cairo’s internal affairs and has proclaimed that Egypt will again rise to greatness. “The military is the embodiment of national sentiment to many, if not most, Egyptians,” said Ali Badr, an engineer and activist. “The fact that [the army] is on the popular side makes this patriotism all the more appealing to masses. It makes people proud ... and gives their nationalism a sense of legitimacy.” Patriotism’s new star is General Abdul Fattah Al Sissi, commander of the armed forces, whose flair for the dramatic, his chest glowing with medals, resonates with young activists and ageing farmers. Many are urging Al Sissi to trade in his uniform for a suit and run for president, much like all the men — save Mursi — who have ruled Egypt since Gamal Abdul Nasser challenged the British. Al Sissi’s picture hangs beside Nasser’s in many shops. Al Sissi was promoted by Mursi and agreed to work with him but then turned on the Brotherhood — calling it a terrorist group and jailing its leaders — when the Islamist president refused the army’s demands to restore political stability and call for early elections. The general’s steeliness has fuelled the nationalist narrative that “the people” are in an epic struggle against extremists. Yasser Rizq, editor of Al Masry Al Youm, recently wrote about a June meeting between Al Sissi and Khairat Shater, the Brotherhood’s chief strategist who is now in jail on what many regard as trumped-up murder charges. Rizq portrayed Shater as making threats that the Brotherhood and its supporters would rebel if the military moved against Mursi. Al Sissi looked at Shater and responded: “What do you want? ... You’ve destroyed the country ... You’ve made people hate religion ... You’re the worst enemies of the Islamic call. I won’t allow you to scare and terrorise the people. I swear to God that whoever fires a bullet at a citizen or approaches a military facility will meet his end.” Such stories, which have the ring of hagiography, are common these days. They have gained credence, especially as Brotherhood militias have been accused of torturing and killing rival protesters. The Brotherhood has yet outmanoeuvre the campaign against it, but it has refused to abandon its protests and sit-ins. That defiance threatens the military’s image, a reminder that Egyptian nationalism could still be turned against those who guard it. After the uprising that overthrew Hosni Mubarak in 2011, the military’s rule of the country for 17 months was widely criticised as repressive and lacking imagination. The military returned to its barracks after Mursi was elected last year. It would have preferred to stay behind the scenes and not risk jeopardising its credibility again. But on July 26, more than three weeks after the coup, the army called on Egyptians to fill the streets and back it against the Brotherhood. Millions did; the army won a mandate but also created an incendiary political showdown. The military was supported because “Egyptians saw their identity being robbed, and the moderate nature of their country fading,” said Yousuf Sidhom, editor of the weekly newspaper Watani. He added that people are now growing impatient, despite comments by officials Sunday that security forces were preparing to surround the Raba’a sit-in. “We are at a crossroads,” he said. “Egyptians have been in a state of hesitation and frustration. Some are even angry that the authorisation they gave the army on July 26 has not been enforced.”