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Prakash Karat Image Credit: PTI

New Delhi: Prakash Karat, 70, has been one of the most popular faces of the Communist Party of India — Marxist (CPM) for decades. That he has strong views and equally strong support within the party was witnessed recently when the CPM’s central committee adopted its draft political resolution.

A group led by party general secretary Sitaram Yechury had pitched for an understanding with “secular parties”, along with the Congress, to fight the “communal agenda of the Bharatiya Janata Party” ahead of the assembly elections in Tripura.

However, this policy draft was rejected at the general committee meeting, with Karat among those who were not in its favour.

With 55 votes against 31, Karat trumped the opinion of Yechury. Following this, Yechury offered to resign, but relented when the Politburo unanimously said that his resignation would send across a wrong message (CPM holds its congress once every three years to chart its political road map).

Even though Congress leaders continued to implore Karat to do a rethink on his resolution of “no alliance” with their party in the larger interest of the country, Karat maintained a stoic silence.

He speaks to Gulf News:

How do you view CPM’s prospects in Tripura when the results are declared on March 3?

Our government has been ruling Tripura continuously for the past 25 years. This is the seventh Left Front government in the state, and we are confident the Left Front will form the government yet again.

The BJP claims India is developing fast under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, but Tripura is lagging due to rampant corruption in every department. On the other hand, your party’s chief minister Manik Sarkar said that for want of funds from the Centre, the state lacks infrastructure facilities?

Even before the BJP government took office at the Centre, Tripura had registered all-round development, which made it a model state in the North East. On all social and economic indicators, Tripura has made remarkable progress. For instance, the literary rate in Tripura is 97 per cent; rice production has increased by 40 per cent in the last decade; Tribal Autonomous District Council set-up under the 6th Schedule of the Constitution is functioning effectively. In fact, after the Modi government came to power, there have been efforts to deprive Tripura of adequate funds. One example is — how they have cut the allocations under the MNREGA (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) scheme. Tripura has been number one in the number of days of work provided under the rural job guarantee scheme. This is now being sought to scuttle.

There have been reports of defections from the CPM and Congress party, with grass roots workers having joined the BJP. Does your party have reasons to worry?

There has been no defection from CPM whatsoever. But yes, the bulk of Congress leaders and workers have deserted and joined the BJP. Thus, the BJP has become the main opposition in the state. The fight is now directly between the Left Front and the BJP.

How do you view BJP’s alliance with IPFT (Indigenous Peoples Front of Tripura)? What could be its game plan?

The IPFT has its origins in being an extension of the extremist group NLFT (National Liberation Front of Tripura), which has been fighting for secession. Earlier, they demanded ‘Swadhin Tripura’ and are now asking for a separate state. It is a small state, and, if divided, it would mean the end of Tripura.

But BJP claims it stands for a united Tripura and that their understanding with IPFT is for socioeconomic, cultural and linguistic betterment of the tribals?

BJP’s alliance with IPFT is a cynical opportunist move. IPFT has been adopting a disruptive approach and its agitations have led to violence. The BJP-IPFT alliance is harmful for the interests of Tripura and tribal and non-tribal unity. [Whereas] the Communist movement in Tripura was based on fighting for the rights of the tribal people and CPM has a strong base among them. The record of the Left Front government in implementing policies in the interests of the tribals is for all to see. For instance, 127,000 tribal families have received pattas (title deeds) for land under the Forest Rights Act, the government promoted Kok Borok, the language of the tribal people, and tribal boys and girls are being provided free education.

BJP tried to woo voters from the Nath sect of which Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath is the head. Could the sizeable number of these voters tilt the scale in favour of BJP?

The people of Tripura are not used to caste politics. They are averse to communal politics typified by Yogi Adityanath. The contest was mainly on the basis of the politics of the Left and the Right.

In 2013, the BJP fielded 50 candidates, out of which 49 lost their deposits. What could be the scenario this time?

The BJP this time fielded former Congressmen as its candidates in most of the seats. Earlier, the anti-Left forces rallied around the Congress, now they gathered around the BJP. The Congress, though weakened, is still the same — discredited and an anti-Communist party. Tripura is a strong base of the Left and the CPM. Our party’s influence has grown and consolidated over the years. The issue is how we can carry forward the good work done by the Left Front government.

• Prakash Karat was born in Letpadan town in Burma (now Myanmar) on February 8, 1948.

• Studied at the Madras Christian College, Chennai.

• Got scholarship to do his Masters in politics from Edinburgh University, Britain.

• Returned to India and joined Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and the CPI-M — 1970.

• One of the founders of the Students Federation of India in JNU — 1974-79.

• Went underground during the Emergency — 1975-76.

• Secretary, Delhi State Committee of CPM — 1982-85.

• General Secretary of CPM — 2005-15.