Gaza City: When Israel launched its assault on Gaza two weeks ago, the Palestinian group was so hamstrung, politically, economically and diplomatically, that its leaders appeared to feel they had nothing to lose.
Hamas took what some here call “option zero,” gambling that it could shift the balance with its trump cards: its arms and fighters.
“There were low expectations in terms of its performance against the recent round of Israeli incursions. It’s been exceeding all expectations,” said Abdullah Al Arian, a professor at Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service in Qatar who is now in Washington. “And it’s likely to come out in a far better position than in the last three years and maybe the last decade.”
Hamas had been struggling. The turmoil in the region meant it lost one of its main sponsors, President Bashar Al Assad of Syria, whom it broke with over his brutal assault on his own people, and weakened its alliance with Iran. It lost support in Egypt when the Islamist president, Mohammad Mursi, was ousted and replaced with a military-backed government hostile to Hamas.
Unemployment in Gaza is around 50 per cent, having risen steeply since Israel pulled out its troops and colonists in 2005 and severely tightened border restrictions. Hamas appeared powerless to end the near-blockade of its border by Israel and more recently Egypt. It could not even pay its 40,000 government workers their salaries.
The group was so handicapped that it agreed to enter into a pact with its rival party, Fatah, to form a new government. But that seemed only to make matters worse, sowing division within its own ranks, with some in the military wing angry at the concession, while providing none of the economic relief Hamas had hoped for.
When Hamas sent a barrage of rockets into Israel, simmering hostilities, and back and forth strikes, erupted into war.
At first, when Hamas rockets were being intercepted mainly by Israel’s Iron Dome system as Israel hit Gaza with devastating force, the group strove to persuade its supporters that it was having enough impact on Israel to wrest concessions: Its radio stations blared fictional reports about Israeli casualties.
But as it wore on, the conflict revealed that Hamas’ secret tunnel network leading into Israel was far more extensive, and sophisticated, than previously known. It also was able to inflict some pain on Israel, allowing Hamas to declare success even as it drew a devastating and crushing response. Its fighters were able to infiltrate Israel multiple times during an intensive Israeli ground invasion. Its fighters have killed at least 27 Israeli soldiers and claim to have captured an Israeli soldier who was reported missing in battle, a potential bargaining chip.
And on Tuesday its rockets struck a blow to Israel — psychological and economic — by forcing a halt in international flights. Hamas once again looks strong in the eyes of its supporters and has shown an increasingly hostile region that it remains a force to be reckoned with.
Hamas, Al Arian said, has demonstrated that “as a movement, it is simply not going anywhere.”
But Hamas’ gains could be short-lived if it does not deliver Gazans a better life. Israel imposes severe restrictions on what can be brought into Gaza, such as construction materials, because it sees Hamas as serious security threat, and the discovery of the tunnels has served only to validate that concern.
So far, at over 640 Palestinians, most of them, civilians, have been killed, according to the United Nations. Gazans did not get a vote when Hamas chose to escalate conflict, nor did they when Hamas selected areas near their homes, schools and mosques to fire rockets from the densely populated strip. At the family house of four boys killed last week by an Israeli strike while playing on a beach, some wailing women cursed Hamas along with Israel.
“It comes at an exceptionally high price,” said Khalid Al Gindy, a fellow at the Brookings Institution and a former adviser to the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah. “When the bombs stop and the dust settles, people might have different calculations about cost-benefit.”
It is also unclear whether, when the fighting ends, Hamas will have the same kind of foreign support it has had in the past to rebuild its arsenal or its infrastructure; Egypt, under President Abdul Fattah Al Sissi, has destroyed hundreds of the tunnels that were used to bring in arms, money and supplies, and has kept the proper border crossing mostly closed. There are also some diplomatic efforts underway seeking to force Hamas to surrender its weapons in exchange for a cease-fire, a demand it is not likely to accept.
Omar Shaban, an economist and political independent, sat in his walled garden in the southern Gaza town of Deir Al Balah on Wednesday as shells crackled nearby and said he fervently hoped, but also doubted, that both Hamas and Israel’s government would reach for a substantive deal.
“This war will end tomorrow or after tomorrow, we will have another cease-fire, we will have another siege, and Hamas will continue to run the scene,” he said.
“Gaza is a big problem for everybody, for Hamas, for Fatah, for Israel,” he added, ticking off the list: shortages of water, housing and medicine, a population explosion, growing extremism.
In exchange for a cease-fire, Hamas is demanding Israel and Egypt open their borders to end the restrictions on the movement of people and goods — the most immediate issue for ordinary Gazans. It is also asking for the release of prisoners — but avoiding the deeper political issues of the conflict.
Shaban said that Hamas, confronted in recent years with the often conflicting requirements of its roles as an armed resistance group and a governing party, for once was “being clever enough to demand conditions that are in touch with the people. The people are realistic.”
Bassem Naim, a member of Hamas’ political wing and a former health minister in Gaza, acknowledged that relations have soured with Iran and the Arab world but said that it could survive.
“I can’t deny the difficulty,” he said in a recent interview. “But Hamas was active and operating here inside the country before the Muslim Brotherhood was in the presidential palace” in Egypt.
Hamas won Palestinian elections in 2006, but an international boycott prevented it from governing. It returned to power in Gaza in 2007 after ousting the Fatah-led government by force.
Hamas overreached, Shaban said, more than doubling Gaza’s administrative budget to more than $800 million (Dh2.9 billion) — not including the financing of the militant Ezzedine Al Qassam brigades. But as the recent fight with Israel has revealed, Hamas was importing tonnes of cement — desperately needed for Gazan schools and houses and construction jobs — to reinforce the tunnels it built to infiltrate Israel and hide its weapons.
“They have different priorities,” Shaban said of the military wing. “Don’t send rockets while we don’t have milk for our children.”
But, he added, “do we stop struggling with Israel? I believe in peace, a two-state solution, I never liked conflict. But Israel did not leave us anything. What Hamas is doing is partially supported by the people.”
— New York Times News Service
