Does Kuwait need a political overhaul?

As Kuwaitis head to the polls once more for parliamentary elections in May - after the Emir once again used his constitutional powers and suspended the National Assembly for the third time in as many years - those following the pioneering Kuwaiti experience in representative politics are left to ponder its future.

It is ironic that the Emir suspended the parliament for more or less the same reasons he presented last year, almost to the date. And Kuwaitis will go, almost on the same day as last year, to elect their 13th parliament since 1963. It seems it has become an annual ritual in Kuwait to have a new parliament and a Cabinet every six months. And this paralyses the Kuwaiti political system, derails reforms and freezes development.

Kuwait has been plagued over the past few years with unprecedented and repeated bickering and clashes between the two branches of the political system - a feisty parliament pitted against a cowed executive branch represented by a fragmented Cabinet with a short lifespan. The last Cabinet, which resigned two weeks ago, was the fifth in three years headed by Shaikh Nasser Al Mohammad Al Sabah, and lasted for a mere 63 days. The new phenomenon in the last two political crises was the targeting of the prime minister personally, with accusations of mismanagement and revoking of various executive decisions. The thorny issue that triggered these crises between the executive and legislature has been the lack of a majority in either branch of the political system.

On the other hand, the outspoken parliament, which is dominated by various Islamist groups, with other independent, nationalist and conservative members, lacks direction, leadership and a mandate. In the patrimonial Kuwaiti political system, tribes, sectarian and family affiliations, ties and nepotism play a dominant role in the outcome of elections and composition of the parliament. Besides, they also, to an extent, influence the Cabinet.

These groupings are not monolithic but rather heterogeneous, fragmented political blocs. They are a poor substitute for political parties, which the Kuwaiti constitution does not bar but, by the same token, does not legitimise either. These political blocs share very little in terms of ideology, priorities and perspectives.

These repeated political crises are casting doubt on the whole Kuwaiti experience and creating doubts about the Kuwaiti model, once a source of inspiration to many in the Gulf and beyond. The Kuwaiti parliament has begun to be seen as an institution obstructing the investment that the Emir hopes can further develop his country's economy. The fact that the National Assembly has been dissolved three times in nine years, that four governments have stepped down and five others have been formed in less than three years, and that interpellation of ministers has often ended with the government resigning or the National Assembly being dissolved has stripped the Kuwaiti experiment of much of its appeal.

The parliament has been suspended five times for a total of over 10 years of its 46-year history, while the Cabinet has submitted its resignation five times over bickering and lack of cooperation with the parliament because of 41 interpolations. More than 20 per cent of these were against members of the ruling family.

In some ways, the existence of a lively political life helps the Emir's plan to transform Kuwait in the upcoming years into a financial and commercial hub for the region. In January 2009 the country hosted the first Arab summit on economic and social development. The Kuwaiti model of freedom was also on display - after an unprecedented leap in the number of daily newspapers (15 Arabic and three English), Kuwait took first place among Arab countries in the 2008 Press Freedom Index.

Unfortunately, unless there is a major overhaul of the Kuwaiti political system, there will be little hope of breaking away from this vicious cycle. Therefore, few are optimistic in Kuwait that the upcoming elections will end this stalemate.

Kuwaitis and outside admirers of its political participation model are taking a step back and asking whether the country is still on course. Some officials, members of the general public, and even intellectuals in Kuwait and the region no longer regard it as an inspirational paradigm, especially compared to Dubai, Abu Dhabi, and Qatar's versions of capitalist development without the tumult of Kuwaiti politics.

Surely this is too harsh a judgment of the Kuwaiti experiment, which deserves more serious examination and revision so that it can again become a workable model and inspiration to the region.

- Dr Abdullah Al Shayji is Professor of International Relations and the Head of the American Studies Unit - Kuwait University.