Arab unity after Assad marks a turning point for Syria

In recent times, the Arab regional order has struggled to withstand numerous challenges. This fragility stemmed from ideological discord as well as Syria’s alignment with external influences under the Assad regime.

Historically, Syria, alongside Egypt and Saudi Arabia, formed the backbone of the eastern Arab system. Should this axis achieve constructive cooperation, it could serve as a foundation for broader unity, inviting others to join on principles of equality and shared interests.

This tripartite alignment emerged a few years after the end of the Second World War, amid efforts by major powers to draw regional countries into their global rivalries.

One prominent example of these efforts was the “Baghdad Pact,” established in 1955 as the “Central Treaty Organisation.” The pact included Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, the UK, and the US, reflecting the geopolitical strategies of the era.

The three nations — Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Syria — convened in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia. The meeting brought together the late King Saud bin Abdul Aziz and the late Egyptian and Syrian presidents Gamal Abdel Nasser and Shukri Al Quwatli, marking the birth of what became known as the foundation of a new Arab order.

This initiative emphasised steering clear of international alliances and conflicts while prioritising the defence of Arab interests. The aim was to shield the region from being drawn into global rivalries — between the so-called Western and Eastern camps — and to preserve resources needed for the development and welfare of its people.

Iraq withdrew from the Baghdad Pact in late 1958. Following the dissolution of the Egyptian-Syrian union at the end of 1961, Syria descended into internal conflict before ultimately falling under the rule of the Assad family. For nearly half a century, Syria distanced itself from the Arab axis, aligning instead with a regional axis that stood in contrast to the aspirations of the Syrian people.

The Syrian political scene witnessed a pivotal moment with the downfall of Bashar Al Assad’s regime on Dec. 8, marked by the entry of opposition forces into Damascus.

In recent years, Assad’s rule has become increasingly vulnerable for numerous reasons that are difficult to enumerate, including the internal repression that affected nearly all segments of Syrian society. Although attempts were made at various stages to stabilise his rule, the ingrained denialism, which is a fatal flaw, ultimately led to its deterioration.

Framework for cooperation

Syria plays a crucial role in solidifying the foundation of the Arab regional order. The triumvirate of Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Syria can once again form the cornerstone of this order, given the recent developments in the region.

Saudi Arabia, with its strong connections to both the Gulf and global networks, and Egypt, with its vast human resources, as well as Syria, which has long been a mediator in the Arab world, together constitute a key framework for cooperation.

It is essential that the Syrian regime emerging from the recent revolution aligns with this Egyptian-GCC axis, taking into account the region’s historical developments and learning from the tragic lessons endured by all segments of the Syrian people.

Syria’s return to its Arab fold is the only guarantee to become more secure and more effective action on the international stage.

The key challenge for the new regime is to avoid repeating the mistakes of the former regime, which led Syria into oppression, poverty, fear and isolation.

The recipe for overcoming this impasse lies in four key pillars: first is the establishment of a political system that guarantees freedom for all Syrian citizens and communities, while clearly defining the roles of authorities.

Second is an economic system that ensures a decent living for all, free from exclusion and appropriation, while the third one is a legal system that safeguards rights within the framework of human justice, and finally a free media system, operating within the boundaries of modern laws.

Slipping into unilateralism and focusing on trivialities and formalities, which are paradoxical to both the times and reason, could lead the new order, still fragile, into dangerous perils.

It risks turning others against it, leaving it vulnerable to manipulation by regional powers ready to exploit any opportunity to disrupt Syria’s future. The paths that contradict the four core pillars represent “windows” through which foreign forces can interfere with the fate of the Syrian people.

At the current stage, what has transpired in Syria up to two weeks after the fall of the regime can be characterised, if we borrow from traffic light signals, as “green and orange” — green in terms of words and promises, and orange in certain actions.

There are also cautionary phrases such as “if true,” which include measures like the exclusion of women from the judiciary. Statements like these contribute to the expansion of the orange zone, which, if left unaddressed, will inevitably lead to the red zone — something that no Syrian patriot or Arab who loves Syria wishes to see.

Final words: Every change experiences a honeymoon phase, which may be long or short. Political blindness arises when some believe that honeymoons are endless.

Mohammad Alrumaihi is an author and Professor of Political Sociology at Kuwait University