Kuwait democracy faces a tough test

Elections are becoming the norm in Kuwait. On May 16, Kuwaitis will cast their votes to elect their representatives for the second time in less than a year. Last March, Emir Shaikh Sabah Al Ahmad Al Sabah used his prerogative to dissolve the only elected parliament in the Gulf region. Analysts expect the elections to go smoothly despite minor troubles on the horizon.

Yet, many have expressed fears about the future of Kuwaiti democracy. Salafi Islamists have been repeatedly accused of 'hijacking the Kuwaiti parliament'. Islamist deputies have been harrying ministers with questions over that past three years, which have seen five cabinets. Many ministers, including the prime minister, have chosen to resign rather than face extensive questioning or a no-confidence vote.

The crisis reflects an underlying conflict between the more "liberal" ruling elite and Islamist members of parliament who wanted to question the government on its management of the economic crisis and alleged misuse of public funds.

The conflict has created the sort of polarisation that could drive Kuwait into hazardous terrain. The pro-government commentators went as far as to call for excluding the Islamists from the political life of the country and portrayed them as an obstacle toward modernising Kuwait's social and political system.

In fact, Kuwait enjoys a peaceful, but vibrant political life; and is considered, by any standard, the most advanced democracy in the Arab world. One reason for this is that it has included most political forces in its system. So far, Kuwait has avoided the mistakes made by Arab countries, such as Egypt and Algeria.

Broadly speaking, Islamists in the Arab world have resorted to great measures mainly after they were denied the right to participate in the political life of their countries through the existing institutions.

In Algeria, for example, the French-educated elite, fearing an Islamist takeover after the 1991 elections, encouraged the military to intervene and halt the democratic process. Before the military coup, a small segment of Algeria's Islamists believed in violence as a toll to achieve political ends. After the coup, however, a combination of repressive and exclusionist policies drove moderate Islamists to join the radicals in using violent means.

There is no evidence whatsoever to suggest that things in Kuwait might take a similar turn even after the government decided to dissolve parliament and change the electoral system with the intention of weakening the Islamist opposition.

The social, political and economic conditions in the small Gulf state are very different from Algeria and Egypt. Yet, nobody can deny that there are some extreme Islamist cells operating in Kuwait. Excluding mainstream Islamists, who exercise their right to oppose the government peacefully through parliament may strengthen the case of the radicals.

In addition, the Islamist thought in Kuwait is pretty advanced. Kuwaiti Islamists might show anti-westernisation tendencies, but do not reject 'modernity lock, stock and barrel', to borrow Fukuyama's words. They may also criticise and reject the excesses of western culture, but try to reconcile moral and religious tenets with modern life, political competition and free market.

They represent a new class of modern educated but Islamically-oriented elites. It is, therefore, dangerous to depict them as a destabilising element or extremist force. More important, Kuwaiti Islamists represent an indigenous movement directly linked with the people, attentive to their concerns and receptive to their expectations. Overall, they reflect the views of a significant portion of their society, which returns them to parliament at every election.

Democracy is the name of the game for liberals; and for Arab liberals it's their long-awaited dream. Hence they must not abandon it merely because they cannot challenge the Islamists on the organisational level.

Kuwait's liberal camp needs to learn how to survive in electoral politics and face the challenge of the opposition with an open mind. In a democracy, like Kuwait, the best way to challenge the Islamists is by giving them the chance to demonstrate their efficiency or expose their bankruptcy in dealing with the intractable problems the country faces.

In the end, the people who voted for them will judge whether they could provide a solution for their problems or not.

Dr Marwan Al Kabalan is a lecturer in Media and International Relations at the Faculty of Political Science and Media, Damascus University, Syria.