A new 'strategic concept' for Nato

For the first time in the history of the Western military alliance, the Nato summit is being jointly hosted by two member countries - France and Germany. But for the US President, Barack Obama, the summit does not look historic from this angle. He rather sees it as an opportunity to explain his vision about the future role of the military organisation. In today's summit, Obama will most probably focus on the progress of Nato's strategy for Afghanistan and the results of the strategy review undertaken by his administration concerning relations with Russia, and France's closer involvement in the alliance and its impact on Nato-EU relations. In summary, he would be lobbying to initiate a new 'strategic concept' for the military pact.

Obama's agenda in this year's summit would be hence fundamentally different from that of his predecessor. In last year's summit in Bucharest, former US president George W. Bush lobbied to overcome opposition to granting Georgia and Ukraine full membership in the Western security organisation. He also tried to convince allies to commit more troops to Afghanistan and support a limited European missile-defence system in Poland and the Czech Republic. At that time, Bush's endeavours were interpreted as an attempt to adopt a 'dual containment policy' against both Russia and 'religious extremism'.

In this year's summit, Obama seems to be seeking a different approach to define the future role of Nato without antagonising Russia or ignoring his allies' interests. Yet, given the history and the nature of the military alliance, considering the place of Nato within the Euro-Atlantic security framework and preparing for a new strategic concept will not be an easy task.

From its inception until the early 1990s, Nato functioned as a classic collective security organisation, by definition and practice. The end of the Cold War and the demise of the Soviet Union deprived the military alliance of the reason and prerequisite for its existence. Yet, it did not resign itself to heading towards extinction.

In 1991, at the Copenhagen summit, Nato's core function in the post-Cold War era was defined as to providing a "stable security environment in Europe, based on the growth of democratic institutions and commitment to peaceful resolution of disputes". The provision of security and the maintenance of stability within Nato and the regions immediately surrounding it became the focal point of Nato's new raison d'être, practically replacing its paramount function of the provision of collective defence for its members. Yet, the failure of Nato to respond collectively and act decisively in Bosnia made this statement more of rhetoric than action; hence, emerged the need to define a new mission and new concept for the military alliance.

In February 1995, Nato's former secretary-general, Willy Claes, defined the new role of the military alliance as to confront the "threat of religious fundamentalism". But, this statement, which was presented in an awkward manner, provoked a wave of public anger throughout the Islamic world, literally forcing Washington to dismiss it out of hand.

After September 11, 2001, caution became no longer an option for the US; the enemy was firmly located and the new role of Nato was clearly stated as to fighting terrorism.

To draw support from its Nato partners and make the case against terrorism convincing, the US resorted to Cold War tactics whereby communism was replaced by religious extremism as a parallel ideology and sequential enemy. US policymakers have frequently used 'religious extremism' as the replacement for 'the communist menace' or the 'evil empire' as the ideological enemy against which Nato resources should be directed. Although on record the US has fervently asserted that it only oppose terrorism and has no quarrel with the religions, its policies in Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere left no doubt about the real target of the American power.

Russia's new assertiveness and attempts to reclaim great power status under former president Vladimir Putin surprised Nato's strategists. The response to the emerging challenge was the adoption of a dual containment policy; practically recognising the return of the Cold War atmosphere but with Russia and the religious extremism on the other side of the trench this time.

Since he took office, Obama has frequently stated that he seeks to mend relations with both Russia and the Islamic world - which deteriorated markedly under his predecessor. This will entail a revision of Nato's world mission. How Obama would go about it is anybody's guess.

Dr Marwan Al Kabalan is a lecturer in Media and International Relations at Damascus University's Faculty of Political Science and Media.