Pragmatism on the road to Damascus

Lebanon and Syria are close neighbours that are destined to live side by side forever. Still, while a mere 85 kilometres separate Beirut from Damascus, President Michel Sulaiman flew into a different time zone altogether last week. Given legitimate Lebanese fears, perhaps even dislike, of the Baathist regime, can Sulaiman succeed in laying down the foundations of an authentic relationship?

To be sure, President Bashar Al Assad agreed to fulfil his July 13 promise to French President Nicolas Sarkozy, towards the establishment of full diplomatic relations. This much was pledged although many detractors dismissed Syria as a regional nemesis that should be opposed or, at the very least, relegated to United Nations dungeons. They quickly pointed out that Sulaiman returned empty handed, and highlighted what else was needed. Of course, opponents insisted that no rapprochement should be contemplated before the fate of several hundred Lebanese prisoners in Syrian jails, is satisfactorily determined. While this is a critical issue, which must not be dismissed as a secondary detail, equally valuable concerns abounded.

Chief among these was the choice of the best mechanism to bury the troubled past between the two countries. In fact, Sulaiman and Bashar may benefit from a change of personalities, since part of the reasons why unpleasant chapters continue to strain ties are the many superficial and dull officials who have outlived their political values. Since there will be no miracles anytime soon, given that the assassination of former prime minister Rafik Hariri and leading Lebanese politicians hang on Damascene necks like a Damocles sword, only good will and hard work by less tainted hands will make a difference.

It is now a fact that while Syria will eventually recognise its neighbour as an independent state, Sulaiman must ensure Damascus perceives Lebanon as a sovereign entity, even if it is a collection of nations. Though the Lebanese president could not secure the release of any prisoners, he nevertheless broached the topic of a formal demarcation of the Syrian-Lebanese border with his counterpart, which is the stuff of nation-states. Indeed, the time is long overdue for this frontier to be clearly defined, and while Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem and his Lebanese counterpart Fawzi Saloukh prefer that this question be tied to various regional issues, neither country should accept the status quo.

In the event, Damascus will not make a leap forward, because Bashar is not in a hurry. Therefore, it is up to Sulaiman to help his counterpart close the gap, by welcoming Bashar in Beirut. Such a call would be Assad's third trip - after his March 3 and 27, 2002, turnouts - but the initial one in an emergent Lebanon. It is up to Sulaiman to ensure that Bashar carries with him presents that will be mutually beneficial.

Regional position

If the former commander of the Lebanese Army endured the embarrassment of travelling on the day when a bomb killed 18 people - most of them soldiers - in Tripoli, Sulaiman should remind Bashar that Syria can better enhance its regional position by accepting the establishment of a powerful central authority in Beirut. In fact, he needs to transform his significant personal victory into political accomplishments for his country and, towards that end, may want to seek assistance from Damascus on Hezbollah's weapons as well as the fate of Palestinians in Lebanon. On both fronts, Lebanon and Syria need each other, because of the latter's relationships with the Party of God and various Palestinian groups.

Without a resolution of what to do with Hezbollah's thorny weapons issue, there can be no peace in Lebanon, and it cannot be done by force. Hezbollah is a legitimate political party and that aspect concerns the Lebanese alone. As far as its weapons are concerned, however, Damascus is the key participant because it is the chief supplier as well as the premier conduit.

Consequently, Sulaiman must painstakingly unburden Syria of this negative image, and rely on Bashar to help him integrate Hezbollah - men and weapons - within the Lebanese Armed Forces. Ultimately, it is in Syria's interests to have a stable military force next door, to remove any temptations for regional conflicts that will backfire on everyone.

The Lebanese also need Syrian assistance to address the fate of Palestinian refugees. Like in Syria itself, there is a consensus that Palestinians should not receive Lebanese nationality, but neither should they remain refugees forever. For Lebanon, Naher Al Bared was probably the tip of the iceberg, and the time has come to close the camps permanently both in Lebanon as well as in Syria. Sulaiman should show Bashar the way this can be done - legalising the status of every Palestinian - by granting them rights and privileges short of citizenship. In other words, rather than treat them as refugees, Lebanon should grant Palestinians "residency" so that all can work, earn decent wages, live wherever they can afford to, and travel as they wish. Even go to Syria.

Of course, resolution of these heavy files will not bury all the bitterness of the past between the two countries, but with the right advisers who can dream of genuine solutions, both men can address core differences. Since the two states will never be equals in the true sense of the word, it behooves their leaders, and especially their advisers, to distance themselves from grandiose schemes that no one can resolve. It may be useful to remember that Syria needs Lebanon as much, if not more, than many assume. Beirut provides Damascus with strategic depth vis-Ã -vis Israel, but also with Jordan, Iraq and Turkey. Only Lebanon is truly a reliable friend of Syria even if the latter seldom appreciated what the former provided over the years.

Sulaiman is a focused and disciplined man who will probably forgive - but should never forget - that Bashar send him home bare handed. Although the Lebanese called for patience as he tries to figure out how to extract Lebanon's independence from its neighbour, Sulaiman's immensely difficult, perhaps impossible, task cannot focus on promises but must converge on substance. For the relationship to be authentic, it is up to Sulaiman to show Bashar how it is done, with respect and creativity.

Dr Joseph A. Kechichian is a commentator and author of several books on Gulf affairs.