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End the Hamas-Fatah rift
The impending conference in Cairo to end differences among Palestinian factions is essential for lasting peace in the region, especially with the change of guard in Israel and the diminishing influence of the Americans
- Image Credit: Luis Vazquez/Gulf News
The Palestinians just can't get their act together. The latest Egyptian initiative - there have been many in the past - to bring all Palestinian factions to Cairo early next month for a comprehensive reconciliation meeting now seems threatened because the two largest groups, Fatah and Hamas, have failed to agree on a compromise. In contrast to positive comments made last week by Palestinian President and Fatah leader Mahmoud Abbas, and Hamas political bureau chief Khalid Mesha'al, the two main groups are again taking swipes at each other.
The mediation, led by head of Egypt's intelligence director Amr Sulaiman, has hit a snag because Abbas has turned down an Egyptian request, made on behalf of Hamas, that the two main groups hold a bilateral meeting prior to the conference in Cairo. Fatah wants the comprehensive summit to take place before it can sit with representatives of the movement. Hamas, on its part, does not want Fatah to use the all-party conference as a podium to denounce Hamas' takeover of Gaza in June last year. So far, the prognosis for an end to the intra-Palestinian rift does not look good.
If the conference takes place as scheduled, the agenda will tackle at least five main issues. Five committees will deal with the following: The formation of a reconciliation government, reforming the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), preparing for new legislative and presidential elections, rebuilding security and finally restoring conditions in Gaza to the situation prior to June 14, 2007.
The agenda is the outcome of months of frustrating negotiations carried out mainly by the Egyptians. But there are other equally important topics. The Egyptians would like to see a peaceful resolution to the Shalit affair, the Israeli corporal being held by Hamas in Gaza since June 2006. Naturally they would like to take credit for his release.
Hamas, on the other hand, has laid out conditions, which Israel has so far rejected. Just as Hezbollah was able to seal a historic deal last July, forcing Israel to release five Lebanese prisoners and return the bodies of 200 Palestinian and Lebanese fighters in exchange for two dead Israeli soldiers, Hamas is hoping to score a political victory by securing the release of hundreds of Palestinians in Israeli jails.
Such a deal would embarrass the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and further discredit Abbas, whose efforts to get departing Israeli premier Ehud Olmert to free thousands of Palestinian prisoners have achieved modest gains.
Another issue Hamas wants to discuss is ending the Gaza siege and opening the Rafah border point with Egypt. So far, the Egyptians have turned a deaf ear to Hamas' requests and only opened the point when humanitarian conditions in Gaza have reached a critical point.
The rift runs deep and goes back to many years. Hamas accuses Abbas and his Fatah subordinates of conspiring with Israel and the US to destroy the popular movement. More than two years ago, Hamas decided to contest elections and shocked the world by terminating Fatah's hold over the legislature and many municipalities. Abbas was forced to ask the movement's Gaza leader, Esmail Haniya, to form a government.
But Haniya accused the president of obstructing his government's plans. Soon Israel, backed by Washington, began rounding up elected Hamas deputies and appointed ministers. The government was incapacitated and soon it became clear that Fatah and Hamas were heading towards a major clash in Gaza. That was when Hamas chased Fatah forces out of the Strip to pre-empt what it claimed was a US conspiracy, to be carried out by Mohammad Dahlan, to trounce them in Gaza.
The Hamas coup had a devastating effect on Palestinians everywhere. It ended PNA's rule in the Gaza strip and created two Palestinian entities in the occupied territories that were vying for power and influence. The PNA retaliated by arresting Hamas activists in the West Bank and closing the movements' offices and organisations that were perceived to be sympathetic with the Islamists or financed by them. Israel, on its part, declared Gaza an "enemy entity" and launched brutal attacks against it before opting to seal it off.
In this bitter environment, both Palestinian sides attempted to discredit each other, mostly at the expense of their own people. Israel continued to choke Gaza economically while boosting its control over the West Bank. Even when Olmert said he will continue to deal with Abbas as the legitimate representative of the Palestinians, he never responded to the latter's pleas to remove hundreds of road blocks in the West Bank, release Palestinian prisoners or make progress on peace negotiations, revived by the American in Annapolis last year.
Hamas, on its side, has failed to end the siege, although it finally acquiesced to a deal to end the firing of Katyushas against southern Israeli towns in return for an easing of the Israeli blockade. But under its watch, Gaza's misfortunes as one of the poorest and highly populated areas on the planet just got worse.
Failed efforts
Throughout this calamity, a number of attempts were launched to bring about a reconciliation. Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah thought he had a deal when both parties made up in Makkah in February 2007. But no sooner the two sides returned to their bases, than the war of words resumed. The President of Yemen had a go in Sana'a earlier this year, but again the discontent continued.
With the change of power in Israel and the diminishing influence of the Bush administration, the current Egyptian initiative may fare better. In recent weeks, Syria and Jordan expressed support for Cairo's efforts to end the rift. Abbas is feeling the pressure as the peace process is dormant and his term as president will end in January. Hamas is also under pressure as humanitarian conditions in Gaza worsen and its popularity in the territories dips fast. Reconciliation has become more urgent than ever.
Fatah hardliners will have to accept the harsh reality that Palestinians pronounced more than two years ago, when many of their candidates were voted out. They will have to swallow their pride and share power with Hamas. The Islamist movement will have to realise that just being supreme in Gaza will not help the Palestinian cause and that they too must to tone down their rhetoric and give the PNA some much-needed space to pursue negotiations with Israel in a fast-changing world.
If the Cairo meeting fails, the Palestinians will have to wait another day to regret and ponder when peace will arrive.
Osama Al Sharif is a veteran journalist based in Jordan.
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