It is hard to think of two countries that have more in common than Australia and Britain. They share a language and a rich history and, in the main, a sense of humour. They are both maritime trading nations. Australia inherited many fine British institutions, including parliamentary democracy and the common law.

Yet, as a recent Lowy Institute poll demonstrates, too often the relationship is focused on the past rather than the future, on sentiment rather than shared interests. More than eight in 10 Australians see the Australia-Britain bilateral relationship as important (with 28 per cent saying it is “very important”). However, when asked to choose Australia’s “best friend” from a list of six countries, respondents ranked Britain third in popularity behind the US and New Zealand. And when those who saw the relationship as important were asked why, two-thirds said it was because of the “strong historical and cultural ties between our two countries”.

Only one in four Australians said it was because Britain was a major economic and strategic power, even though it is a top 10 economy, a nuclear weapons state and a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council.

This is a good time, therefore, for our two nations to move beyond history, culture and cricket and focus their relationship on shared interests in the region towards which the world’s wealth and power is shifting rapidly: Asia.

One vehicle for doing so is the Australia-UK Asia dialogue, which was recently announced by Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop and British Foreign Secretary William Hague this year, and co-hosted in Britain by the Ditchley Foundation and the Lowy Institute. This brought together experts and high-level officials from the two countries, and while the proceedings were private, Britain and Australia can convey their personal impressions as co-chairmen.

The two countries come at Asia from different geographic angles, yet they both have long histories in the region and deep knowledge of it. Their experience and analyses are complementary and they should make more of them. They have strong trading and investment relationships with China that are complemented by robust diplomatic relationships: Chinese premier Li Keqiang has just wrapped up a visit to Britain and President Xi Jinping is slated to visit Australia for the G20 summit later this year.

On the other hand, both Britain and Australia believe that neither of their national debates about Asia should ever be shrunk to the dimensions of China. They must think about the region as a whole and tend carefully and pay more attention to their relations with Japan, Indonesia, India, South Korea and Vietnam.

Both Australia and Britain are allies of the US — indeed they are arguably Washington’s two most reliable allies. They both believe that American leadership remains of immense benefit to the world and that right now more is needed, not less. They both support the strategic logic of US President Barack Obama’s rebalance towards Asia, but are concerned that America’s strategic discipline on this should not waver.

Whatever the distractions of other troubles at home and abroad, Washington must not lose its focus on the pivot. US allies such as Canberra and London should speak clearly to the Obama administration on the importance of persisting with the rebalance and they should also be prepared to help shoulder its burdens.

This is because Australia and Britain have important and legitimate stakes in the Asian strategic order — no doubt more than their publics tend to assume. Both the nations benefit enormously from the region’s prosperity, underwritten by a rules-based order and the US strategic presence. However, neither can be passive bystanders, simply hoping to sell as much as it can.

The tensions in parts of the region, not least north-east Asia, are rising, and the risks of conflict are real. Both Britain and Australia need to help mitigate these risks and be clearer on how they will react if conflict were to break out.

Both the nations have much to contribute to Asian security, from counter-piracy and the search for the missing Malaysia Airlines flight MH370 in the Indian Ocean to typhoon relief in the Philippines and the partnership with Singapore, Malaysia and New Zealand through the five-power defence arrangements. The British and Australian navies have strong traditions of conducting defence diplomacy and helping other countries build capacity to face their own challenges, including in intelligence and counter-terrorism.

In engaging with Asian partners, commitment to free trade, liberal democratic values and a rule-of-law approach to regional security problems remain a shared strength of the two nations. They should not hesitate to speak out when these commitments and values are undermined by developments in the region. Asia is undergoing major strategic and political change, including an uptick in Chinese maritime assertiveness, the normalisation of Japan’s defence position and leadership transitions in the region’s two largest democracies — India and Indonesia.

This is precisely the time for regional and global stakeholders, such as Australia and Britain, to look for creative new ways to work together and with regional partners to help contribute to Asia’s prosperity and stability. The dialogue aims to do just that.

— Guardian News & Media Ltd

John Holmes is chair of the International Rescue Committee UK and was UN emergency relief coordinator from 2007 to 2010. Michael Fullilove is the executive director of the Lowy Institute for International Policy in Sydney, Australia.