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Indian convenor of the 'Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti' Hardik Patel (L), 22, raises his fist near the statue of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, the first Home Minister of India, during the Patel Patidar community's Kranti Rally in Ahmedabad on August 25, 2015. Patel Patidar community members took part in a rally to demand an "Other Backward Class" (OBC) status. AFP PHOTO / Sam PANTHAKY Image Credit: AFP

Is this Gujarat’s ‘Kejriwal moment’?

A 22-year-old man by the name of Hardik Patel has taken one of India’s most affluent states by storm, bringing together 500,000 Patels — one of the most accomplished castes in the western Indian state whose enterprise and business acumen are known far beyond the shores of the Arabian Sea — in a massive show of strength in a rally in Ahmedabad on Tuesday. While the rally passed off without an incident, it was the ineptitude of the state administration that resulted in frayed nerves and loss of ten lives in violence, forcing Chief Minister Anandiben Patel to ring in the Army for a flag march in troubled areas.

The demand of the Patels to be included in the backward caste category, thereby making them eligible for reservations in education and government jobs, has been simmering for some time now in the state. However, what has happened in Gujarat since Tuesday afternoon is a clear indication of the issue flying off the handle and threatening to act as a catalyst, sparking similar demands for quotas across other castes — a throwback to earlier agitations by Gurjars and Jats in Rajasthan.

At first glance, it indeed seems ironic that the Patels — one of the most business-oriented, moneyed classes in Indian society — would have to take to the streets, seeking more seats for themselves in educational institutions and more jobs in government offices. But therein lies the rub: If this is the way the members of one of India’s most financially accomplished castes feel, then imagine how sensitive things can get with those who are not as fortunate.

For 13 years, with Narendra Modi at the helm of the state administration, the ‘Gujarat Model’ of growth had enamoured India Inc. In fact, this much-talked-about Gujarat ‘growth’ story had helped catapult Modi from Gandhinagar to 7, Race Course Road (Prime Minister’s official residence in New Delhi) in 2014 with a mandate that no other leader had managed since the 1984 general elections. But with a little-known Hardik’s battle cry firing up the Patels, who comprise 20 per cent of the state’s 63 million population, the gloss of the ‘Gujarat story’ has suddenly begun to wear thin as the debate over inclusive-vs-sustained growth has once again come to the forefront — a source of major embarrassment for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) mandarins, who have often sought to present the ‘Gujarat Model’ as a microcosm of what a larger India could aspire to be under Prime Minister Modi.

Caste-based reservations

As part of a well-thought out and cleverly-crafted PR exercise, the positive indicators of Gujarat’s economy were hammered home with gusto. State government publicity material and public relations dossiers were assiduously devoted towards projecting a shining and “vibrant” Gujarat, whereby, the successes in infrastructure, manufacturing, retail, trade and business were highlighted, while key social indicators such as women’s health care and nutrition, primary education and rural employment were often clubbed among the also-rans. Starting from the days of Congress-run governments in the state, until Modi’s departure for Delhi, Gujarat has experienced sustained growth in many areas and that indeed helped the state emerge as one of India’s most accomplished in terms of its business capital and enterprise. But the fruit of this growth story certainly did not reach all its intended recipients. This has become all the more obvious now with the Patidar community (Patels) seeking its slice of the socio-economic pie.

The current agitation by Patels goes to show how the issue of caste-based reservations has skewed the very idea of granting quotas in education and government jobs in India. For the sake of vote-bank politics, parties and leaders in India have time and again played the reservations card to suit their agenda, thereby heavily compromising the premise on which the very idea of reservations was drawn — offering a broader safety net to ensure greater socio-economic parity.

Playing ‘pied piper’ to the backward caste vote bank, former prime minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh had sought implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations to grant more reservations to OBCs (other backward castes) in 1989-90. ‘VP’ is no more, but the floodgates he had opened for petty political gains will continue to inundate India for decades to come.

Coming back to the question of whether this is Gujarat’s ‘Kejriwal moment’. The biggest worry for BJP is that Patels comprise a very loyal vote bank for the saffron brigade. With Hardik threatening to stop the lotus (BJP’s electoral symbol) from blooming in Gujarat if the Patels’ demands are not met, the BJP suddenly finds itself on a sticky wicket in a state it has ruled with little hiccups for the last 14 years. Championing the cause of transparency in governance, Aam Aadmi Party leader Arvind Kejriwal had convinced the man on the street in Delhi of his political agenda. The Patels in Gujarat have so far rallied behind Hardik in all sincerity. How well and fast BJP manages to unplug the steaming kettle will determine whether or not Gujarat turns out to be the latest aam aadmi (common man) franchise!