Political leaders always worry about how they’ll go down in history. That thought was surely at play when the leaders of Europe’s three largest nations took the stage on the same day this week. In Strasbourg, Angela Merkel and François Hollande addressed the European parliament in a double act that had only one precedent: two weeks after the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, François Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl stood together in front of Europe’s common elected body to speak about the profound social transformations awaiting eastern Europe. And in Manchester, David Cameron gave his speech at the annual Conservative party conference. The British prime minister mentioned Europe only in passing, but still managed to raise worrying questions about how he will go about preventing Brexit – and the possible break-up of the union that might follow.
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What came out of these three speeches, as well as the reactions they triggered, clearly spelled out Europe’s current conundrum: the battle between fragmentation and consolidation is on.
History loomed heavily. Hollande would like to see himself as something of an heir to Mitterrand, France’s first postwar socialist president, for whom he worked as a young aide. Merkel is very much the political daughter of Kohl, the chancellor of Germany’s reunification, who used to call her mein Mädchen (my girl) and launched her career. Cameron is a child of Thatcherism. All three leaders confront challenges no less grave than those faced a generation ago by their mentors.
In 1989 Europe needed to reinvent itself as borders flushed open, democracy spread and new equilibriums were sought. In 2015 Europe is faced by disorders spreading in its neighbourhood (wars in the Middle East, instability in north Africa and an unpredictably aggressive Russia) as well as by the internal pressures of populism and separatism. The political cocktail of 2015 is no less toxic than it was in 1989.
‘Hollande ended up in a spat with Le Pen, whose National Front is fast becoming the biggest threat to his legacy,’
Of course, lofty speeches about Europe only go so far these days. Day-to-day politics was never far from the surface on Wednesday. Hollande ended up in a loud spat with Marine Le Pen, whose National Front is fast becoming the biggest threat to his political legacy. Merkel made a strong plea for “European values”, partly because she must neutralise critics of her policy on refugees, including those in her own party. Cameron’s promise of a “ Greater Britain ” was as much a sign of self-confidence as it was an attempt to contain the Eurosceptics who mock his strategy with the EU.
But the gravity of Europe’s current predicament was certainly on everyone’s mind. Merkel spoke about the refugee crisis as a “test of historical dimensions” for the EU; for Germany, she said, it was a task comparable to that of reunification. Hollande quoted Mitterrand and warned that “nationalism is war”. With unfamiliar lyricism, he denounced the “populists and extremists” who would return Europe to its “20th-century woes”. He hailed the notion of “European sovereignty” as opposed to national sovereignty – the vision of a continent able to get its act together in the face of new security threats.
Contrary to Merkel and Hollande, Cameron had little to say about Europe’s accomplishments over the past 25 years – unsurprising, perhaps, given his audience, but worrying nevertheless. When he did speak positively, it was mostly to celebrate Britain’s role, not a collective endeavour. The EU is “too big, too bossy, too interfering”, he said. Hollande and Merkel – neither of whom mentioned the UK in their speeches – stood out, in contrast, as passionate defenders of a European spirit bequeathed to them. Even if they were short on specifics, their message was one of European consolidation, whether on foreign policy, migration, or economic issues. Cameron’s speech, on the other hand, called for more, not less, fragmentation. It’s hard to imagine how these speeches, taking place 1,000 miles apart, could have been any more at odds with one another.
Sentimentality about Europe comes and goes, of course. Hollande, like every French president since De Gaulle, dreams of the EU as an extension of French grandeur. The problem is that given France’s recent economic performance , the old Franco-German tandem is currently very much off kilter: one side leads while the other, well, leads from behind. Nor was Merkel’s attachment to the European construct ever comparable to Kohl’s: she sees Europe as a space of freedom, a pillar of the west, rather than as a political experiment inevitably leading towards deeper integration. Merkel only took up the mantle of Europe’s common strategic interests after war broke out in Ukraine – Germany’s geographic proximity played a part in her change of heart, as did her previous experience with the mindset of KGB. Cameron made clear his approach is far from sentimental: “I have no romantic attachment to the EU and its institutions,” he said.
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Speeches are one thing, end results are another. Cameron knows he doesn’t want to go down in history as the prime minister who pulled his country out of the EU, and thus dealt a possibly deadly blow to a 60-year-old project, especially in such perilous times. Hollande and Merkel know it too, just as they would like to replicate the inspiration of those who led Europe in 1989. Without compromise, it’ll be the populists who will benefit.
Hollande and Merkel showed courage by speaking in front of Europe’s 751 MPs – a good proportion of whom heckled them throughout. That scene, however nasty at times, was in itself proof that the EU is about democracy, not closed-door deals between leaders or technocrats. Cameron should consider addressing the Strasbourg parliament himself. Even Thatcher did. And she helped Europe consolidate at a key moment, when the single market moved forward after the turmoils of 1989. Europe hovers between fragmentation and consolidation. Its problems won’t be solved with just speeches, but good speeches can help.
— Guardian News & Media Ltd
Natalie Nougayrede is former executive editor and managing editor of Le Monde
