Just before his death in 2013, Hugo Chavez had hand-picked Nicolas Maduro to succeed him as President of Venezuela. Four years ago, given the popularity of the charismatic Chavez, few questioned that decision. Four years on, few question any other option than Maduro out of office. And frankly, with millions marching in the streets against his rule, it seems as if Maduro’s time in office is limited.
Chavez’s socialist rule was enabled by Venezuela’s supplies of oil, and the subsequent petro dollars enabled the strongman to be a benevolent ruler, lavishing social spending and creating an economy where the state subsidised housing, health care and welfare programmes. With the collapse of the international oil market and the subsequent loss of revenue, Maduro has proven himself to be an inadequate and lacklustre leader, incapable of dealing with four years of regression and stagnation in Venezuela’s economy. In what used to be the richest country in South America, four families in five now endure economic hardship, kidnapping and murders occur with frightening regularity, its health-care system is irrevocably broken and its economy is subjected to inflation of near-Zimbabwean proportions. Simply put, Venezuela is a broken nation and a lot of the blame stops at Maduro’s doorstep. His lack of leadership is startling.
In the past weeks, millions of Venezuelans have taken to the streets in an effort to bring about the end of the Maduro regime. Instead of bringing a change in the presidential palace, the protesters have been met with heavy-handed security measures that have resulted in deaths and injuries. It’s a situation that is spiralling out of control.
While Maduro has made noises about opening negotiations with the opposition through intermediaries from the Vatican, few in political circles in Caracas believe his proposals hold any weight — and even less so in the millions who continue to oppose his rule.
What is clear from these past weeks is that protests and demonstrations are not enough to convince Maduro to step aside. And even if he does, the structural problems that underlie Venezuela’s economy remain. Changing the man at the top might help, but it won’t change the conditions that have led to rampant inflation, food shortages and the collapse of government-run services and programmes.
What’s needed now is a change — in attitudes as much as in personnel. With key opposition figures jailed or banned, it’s hard to envision opposition supporters finding the will to make the tough choices necessary for Venezuela to again thrive.
