Iraqi elections, which take place every four years, kicked off on April 1. Undoubtedly, this is the most important event in Iraq’s political life.

The circumstances surrounding the elections in Iraq today are no better than those that prevailed during the last elections four years ago. In fact, the dominant atmosphere today is far worse than that in 2010; today, there is an ongoing war in more than one location around Iraq, there are severe tensions between Baghdad and Erbil, and there is a general discontent regarding the status quo in the country and an overwhelming call for change.

The electoral map today is signified by the dismantling of the two major blocs: the National Alliance and Iraqiya. Both these blocs reaped most of Iraq’s votes back in 2010.

In their place, a number of these two blocs’ original components have grouped up in new formations for the upcoming elections.

Some still have sectarian flavours, while others have overcome this trend.

Al Wataniya headed by Dr. Ayad Allawi includes liberal members who were part of the Iraqiya bloc back in 2010. The Democratic Civil Alliance includes liberal, leftists, and Arab nationalists in over 25 entities. The Iraq Coalition is another newly formed group backed by businessmen and includes 30 independent entities.

Eleven years have gone by since the fall of the former regime and the beginning of a new political process; eight years have also gone by since the dominance of the Dawa Party in all aspects of the Iraqi political process. They only proved their failure in understanding the current political situation and their inability to manage the country’s affairs.

Despite its negative and empty record, the Dawa party aspires to continue in office for a third parliamentary term under the very same leadership of the Prime Minister, and the Secretary General of Al Dawa party, Nouri Al Maliki.

The same group is running for the same office despite the endless quarrels of Al Maliki with everyone, including his party’s allies who played a big role in bringing him to power in the first place.

The resentment against the political group in power today has reached a very high levels, and to a degree where the Shiite religious scholars in Najaf are publicly distancing themselves from this group.

There is also evidence suggesting that voters will be very reluctant in participating in the elections because they feel that voting is hopeless and pointless.

Today, the voter finds the same people who were responsible for Iraq’s current situation. However, that will not affect the legitimacy of the electoral process, even if less than half of those who have the right to participate take part. However, this will have political repercussions.

The necessary change in Iraq does not entail changing the people who run the country, rather, the absurd methods they use in doing so. Iraq is a country that is full of with highly qualified technocrats in different areas. And despite the fact that hundreds of thousands of these highly educated and specialised people have left the country over the past 20 years, and the willingness of the current government to push many more out of Iraq, we find that the country still has highly qualified people in all fields.

Those technocrats are marginalised because of the terrible methods used in the political process, which is based on sectarian and ethnic quotas.

These methods have weakened the national identity of the country and created friction and struggle that has allowed other countries to slide through and implement agendas that could not have been passed if Iraq were strong.

The civil groups calling for change and overcoming sectarian divide are the only hope for advancement in Iraq. However, their influence is still weak especially outside big cities.

Regrettably, they are not based on strong roots in the community, especially after political parties and blocs deepened their communal existence during the past eight years taking advantage of the funds made available to them through their controlling the political process in buying loyalties and getting rid of dissidents and carrying out huge propaganda and media campaigns.

On the other hand, the powers that control the political process by dominating the legislative authority have weakened the opportunities of civil groups for positions in the Parliament by passing the amendment to the election law “St. Lego” after the disturbing results obtained by the State of Law bloc in the local councils elections There is no way for these civilian groups to join in unless they establish alliances with forces that have started distancing themselves from Al Maliki and his party.

Another issue of great importance and concern for Iraqis is related to the provisions of the Constitution where it states that (Voting is the citizen’s “right”). However, the Constitution does not force people to vote, but the circumstances through which Iraq is going through along with the dangers which threaten the country makes voting a duty.

Taking part in the upcoming elections for change in Iraq is similar to defending the country and saving it, thus making it a holy duty.

The Iraqi elections are conducted in an atmosphere of a serious constitutional vacuum embodied in the absence of a law to regulate political party work.

In Iraq there is no law to define the terms and regulations of political party work, nor one that marks the rules for licensing these parties, their legitimecy, and the \necessity of their announcing their connections and foreign relations, as well as the disclosure of sources of funding, which is a normal procedure in every democratic country.

This is increasingly important in Iraq since the fall of the former regime where forces that do not take Iraq’s interest into account have prevailed.

The civil forces in Iraq today may benefit from the fact that the executive authority in Iraq has a zero accomplishment record, as it is incapable of facing the grave dangers in Iraq. In fact some of Iraq’s deteriorating situation is the doing of the current executive authority and the very poor performance of the Parliament which brought this authority to power.

Dr Mohammad Akef Jamal is an Iraqi writer based in Dubai.