General Raheel Sharif’s renewed promise on behalf of the Pakistan army last week to oversee a $46 billion (Dh168.95 billion) Chinese project for the modernisation of Pakistan, has brought a welcome relief to many Pakistanis who are waiting to see the benefits of the plan trickle down.

The project, known as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), marks the first time ever that a single foreign country plans to make such a large investment in the south Asian country.

It includes a variety of elements such as electricity generation set-ups, highways, oil and gas pipelines and railway networks that will link China’’s south-western Xinjiang region with the Chinese-funded port of Gwadar in southern Pakistan.

Yet, bickering among different political groups has triggered concerns over the finest opportunity for Pakistan’s future going down in futility. The wrangling has erupted over matters such as which part of Pakistan should lay claim to the route and therefore gain associated benefits. In sharp contrast, General Sharif’s remarks have suddenly brought forward the most credible set of guarantees for what could become a major turning point for Pakistan.

The army chief’s remarks have coincided with recent reports of China seeking a lead role for the Pakistan army to oversee the CPEC project to completion. Beijing’s reported view may be a consequence of the widespread malaise which prevails across Pakistan as a result of scattered but nevertheless real evidence of unresolved issues, ranging from mismanagement to corruption linked to ruling politicians.

Consequently, the squabbling has raised the dangerous and terrible prospect of political infighting causing unbridgeable divisions over CPEC-related plans. The result of such an outcome will not just be harmful for the future of the world’s biggest planned investment in Pakistan. Such a setback could also upset Pakistan’s relations with its closest partner — China, which has always come to the country’s rescue in its hour of need.

This relationship’s early days saw Pakistan’s late air force chief Air Marshal Nur Khan travel to China in 1966 to seek fighter planes, after the US sanctioned the supply of military hardware to Islamabad. The Chinese not only instantly complied with the request but in fact loaned the first two squadrons of the F-6 fighter planes practically free of charge.

Today, China has become the world’s fastest growing economy with a rapid pace of modernisation never seen in history. In time, China is expected to surpass the United States to become the world’s biggest economy.

For Pakistan, it would be exceptionally foolish to ignore China’s emergence as the world’s predominant economic and military power of the future. Once completed, the CPEC will lift Pakistan’s prospects in more ways than one by connecting the country to potentially the world’s biggest success story.

Meanwhile, Pakistani politicians who are seeking to keep control over the CPEC rather than concede ground to the idea of a lead position for the army are simply going about it the wrong way. They must appreciate the underlying factors that have given an impetus to calls for the CPEC to be led by the Pakistan army, at least for the time being.

Reality check long overdue

While Pakistan’s civil institutions responsible for public work increasingly show a dismal performance, the Pakistan army continues to remain responsible for a variety of construction-related mega projects in otherwise inaccessible areas.

This follows more than five decades of experience by the army in undertaking challenging assignments including the Karakorum Highway or KKH, the road built with Chinese assistance, which links China’s Xinjiang province with Pakistan’s northern Gilgit-Baltistan province and onwards to the country’s plains. At the outset with the CPEC too, the army’s promise to provide a full security cover for Chinese workers in Pakistan, marked the critical element that buttoned up this project.

In the long term, Pakistan’s ruling politicians may have a valid point in seeking to lead the CPEC initiative. And yet, that ambition needs to be built with a long overdue reality check. The country’s civilian authorities need to embark on an internal reform plan first rather than seek to block the army from assuming a lead role in the execution of the CPEC.

Such a plan must be built upon three equally vital aspects. First, there needs to be a complete political consensus over the geographic layout of the CPEC and its associated projects. Signs of infighting between different political groups have in fact harmed the view of Pakistani politicians, reinforcing their image as a short-sighted warring bunch rather than a mature and politically responsible community.

Second, it’s vital to put safeguards in place for a radical improvement in the performance of key civil institutions, enabling them to take greater responsibility for the execution and eventual management of CPEC related projects. The total work cut out under this initiative will likely continue till the end of the next decade if not beyond. This creates a sufficient time frame for the army to first take charge of this valuable initiative and hand over responsibilities for its eventual management to Pakistan’s civilian infrastructure following a set of robust reforms.

Finally, it’s important for Pakistan’s ruling politicians to consider different types of fallouts from antagonising the armed forces, all in the name of promoting democracy. In the case of the CPEC, some politicians have eagerly pushed for exclusive civilian control on this project as a step towards strengthening Pakistan’s democratic evolution. Yet their initiative will only be an exercise in futility until such time that they reconcile themselves with Pakistan’s fundamental realities.

For now, General Raheel Sharif and the Pakistan army exclusively remain the main guarantors for the success of what is set to transform Pakistan as never before.

Farhan Bokhari is a Pakistan-based commentator who writes on political and economic matters.