The Indo-US nuclear debate

Perhaps the most important reason why the Indo-US agreement has become the subject of heated debate in India is the fact that it is in many ways a major foreign policy achievement for India, as well as a tremendous opportunity for India to end its nuclear isolation, and join the leading nuclear countries of the world as an equal partner. It is difficult to imagine any other international treaty that has generated quite so much discussion, within the country.

The 123 Agreement deals with civil nuclear energy cooperation and allows us supplies of uranium as source material to be used in reactors, manufactured in India as well as those that will be allowed to be imported for generation of electricity to broaden the basket of options to meet the exponential increase in the demand for power in India. Today, India generates about 130,000 MW of power including power generated in captive units and this is far short of the requirements of our growing economy. Power generated from our nuclear facilities represents less than 3 per cent of the total power generated, just about 2,700 MW. Assuming that by 2020, the demand for electricity is somewhere around 230,000 MW, we need to nearly double our electricity generation by that year. Although we have hydroelectric, and thermal plants, and a significant wind power potential, the 123 agreement is very crucial, because it will help us to substantially boost our energy security, to generate, clean nuclear energy, up to about 20,000 MW. A large number of countries under the NPT regime having signed the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) are in a position to access source material to take advantage of nuclear energy used for civilian purposes. We have very small reserves of uranium in our country and without the import of uranium 235, we cannot go ahead with our civil nuclear energy programme.

The 123 Agreement allows us to support our nuclear facilities meant for weaponisation and also those meant for civil nuclear energy generation. Of the 22 such nuclear facilities, 14 of them under the separation plan placed before Parliament, will be under safeguards and 8 of them not subject to any safeguards. Safeguards amongst other things imply that any use of source material, namely, uranium 235 will be used only for the generation of energy and no part of that material will be diverted to our weapons programme. It is for the first time in the history of the global nuclear non-proliferation regime that such an exception has been made by putting in place an arrangement under which India will receive uranium 235 for use in our civil nuclear energy programme. Until now, agreements have only been entered into between two nuclear weapon states, or between nuclear weapon states, and a state, which has signed the NPT. Thus this 123 agreement represents a major breakthrough for India, in as much as it has opened the door for India's membership of the exclusive nuclear club, while still standing firmly for a non-discriminatory nuclear-non proliferation regime.

Thus, under the 123 agreement, we place 14 Indian facilities under India-specific IAEA safeguards, and acquire the right to receive uranium 235 from the Nuclear Suppliers Group, after negotiations with them. We also acquire the right to reprocess the spent fuel used in the reactors, which are under safeguards, provided there is no diversion of this for the purpose of weaponisation.

The 123 agreement also opens up huge opportunities of cooperation in the field of biological research, medicine, agriculture and industry, environment and climate change, and fusion technology and participating in bilateral and multilateral programmes for purposes of research and development. This provides enormous opportunities for our scientific community to interact with states possessing technology at the high end and gain access and experience in respect of technologies that thus far have been unavailable to India.

Those who oppose the 123 agreement in India, offer the incorrect argument that it will compromise India's independent foreign policy. This is demonstrably incorrect. The terms of the agreement make it very clear, that there will be no interference or hindrance in India's internal affairs. In the event of disagreement, either country has the option to give notice, and invoke the termination clause. The much talked about Hyde Act, is an act that applies to the US, and not to India, and in any event, Article 2(4) of the 123 agreement, makes it amply clear that nothing will bind India's right to use its nuclear fuel, obtained from sources other than the 123 agreements, so as to take forward inter alia, its weaponisation programme.

India has a firm commitment to peace, and universal disarmament. Our Independence movement was unique in the history of the world, in as much as it was a bloodless revolution, based upon the twin principles of truth, and ahimsa, or non-violence. The Father of our nation, Mahatma Gandhi, gave to India, and the world the noble philosophy of satyagraha and ahimsa, and it is apparent, as the world grows smaller every day, that it is these universal virtues of truth, tolerance, and non-violence, which will save the world from a nuclear holocaust.

Thus, while India takes its place as an equal partner in the comity of nations, we are committed to the values of peace and disarmament. However, India is also strong and principled. We have the power and will to resist discrimination, and nuclear apartheid, and while we are committed to peace, we will fight to ensure that the quest for peace is universal, and not discriminatory. All nations should strive equally for peace, and share an equal commitment to disarmament, and in this initiative, some should not be more equal than others.

Thus, the Indo-US civilian nuclear agreement is a giant step forward in establishing an equitable, non-discriminatory nuclear world regime. While the agreement benefits India, in various important ways, the world order at large will be more just and equitable, with the inclusion of India, the largest democracy in the world, as an equal partner of the nuclear weapons countries.

The writer is a Member of Indian Parliament from Tamil Nadu and spokesperson of India's ruling Congress party.