Reconciliation is elusive as ever

Reconciliation is elusive as ever

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In the long and turbulent history of the Palestinian national liberation struggle, nothing stands out as a major rift between two mainstream movements as today's deepening dispute between Fatah and Hamas.

In the 1960s, the biggest challenge facing a handful of Palestinian resistance organisations was finding a common political platform.

That goal was achieved with the birth of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) in 1964 which became an umbrella for no fewer than 10 organisations representing various, and often conflicting, ideological and political principles.

The PLO, with its quasi-democratic institutions, became an important player in the Arab-Israeli conflict when in 1974 the Arab League recognised it as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.

Through Fatah's dominance and the strong leadership of the late chairman Yasser Arafat, the PLO weathered successive storms.

It was able to maintain unity among its ranks and stick to its most cherished goal - the liberation of Palestine from Israeli occupation. While the final objective and the means to achieve it became the focal point of debate, the movement was able to maintain unity at the darkest of hours.

At one stage in its evolution, the PLO became a universal symbol of the national liberation struggle in the Third World. Condemned by the West for the tactics employed by some of its members, the PLO was able to guard its unity and shared aims.

It survived the Cold War and the devastating effects of the Gulf War. It was able to chart a political roadmap while maintaining its 'revolutionary' course.

The supremacy of Fatah was uncontested and so was the leadership of Arafat who was able to captain the organisation through shifting geopolitical undercurrents.

So much so that the PLO was able to make the historic cross-over from a 'terrorist' organisation, in the eyes of Israel and most Western countries, into the safe haven of being recognised as a legitimate peace partner and representative of all Palestinians.

By the onset of the 1990s, the PLO had completely recreated itself as a viable political counterpart; a complete and functioning adversary negotiating on the behalf of all Palestinians for a just settlement to resolve the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Fatah's long-time supremacy within the PLO was reflected in its historical popularity in the Occupied Territories. By the time the Oslo peace process was launched, the PLO represented Fatah's political agenda.

Arafat had no real challenge until then. Only Hamas, an Islamic movement that was slowly growing strong in Gaza, and was not a member of the PLO, presented a potential long-term hazard.

Hamas entered the political stage during the first Palestinian intifada in 1988. Closely associated with the Muslim Brotherhood movement, which traditionally had strong roots in the Gaza Strip, the movement focused its efforts on extending humanitarian services in Gaza's refugee camps. Hamas' influence in Gaza grew at alarming rates and soon surpassed that of Fatah.

Arafat and the founder of Hamas, Shaikh Ahmad Yassin, were able to keep their conflicting political visions towards resolving the Palestinian problem within themselves.

Arafat understood the strengths that Hamas possessed in the Strip and was able to manipulate it to his benefit, most of the time.

In the waning years of the peace process, following the assassination of Arafat's peace partner Yitzhak Rabin in 1995, Hamas and Israel got into episodes of bloody confrontations.

A weakened Arafat tried to contain the damage. But the political tide was changing and Arafat's legendary flair for survival was coming to an end.

The PLO had been replaced by the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and a new generation of Palestinian leaders was emerging.

Fatah still commanded popularity in the West Bank, but its ministers and representatives were accused of corruption and abuse of power.

Israel had reneged on its agreements with the PNA and the promise of a Palestinian state had been derailed.

The sidelining of the PLO and its various institutions denied the Palestinians of a forum to decide their next move. Arafat's death in 2004 fragmented the Palestinian national movement. Mahmoud Abbas emerged as the new leader but his authority and charisma could never match those of his predecessor.

Today the rift between Hamas and Fatah seems insurmountable. For years attempts at reconciliation were aborted at the last moment.

Palestinian unity is in disarray and Israel is claiming that the peace process cannot be restarted while a Palestinian partner is absent. A new US administration has promised to re-launch negotiations but without a united Palestinian front, hopes for a credible resumption are in doubt.

Today reconciliation is as elusive as ever. The territories are divided and Israel is holding all the key cards. Abbas has become another player in a futile game of power struggle; he has failed to rise to the historic challenge that he and his people face. Hamas too has lost its bearings and is now vying to score points when the game is almost over!

Osama Al Sharif is a veteran journalist and commentator based in Jordan.

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