Real test lies in winning hearts and minds

When US president-elect Barack Obama officially assumes his responsibilities in the White House in about six weeks time, his first major task should be to think creatively about how to restore US credibility, particularly in the Middle East.

Needless to say, US image has been badly damaged by the Iraq war and the "war on terror", which for many Muslims became synonymous to a war on Islam.

Since the war on Iraq, several opinion polls have been conducted, many of which have indicated that most Arabs and Muslims feel that the US is pursuing antagonistic policies towards them.

For many Americans, especially those who visit the region frequently and appreciate its warm culture and friendly people, this Muslim perception of US hostility is frustrating.

They insist that Americans bear no ill will towards Muslims. They usually cite the US intervention on behalf of Bosnian Muslims in 1995 and in Kosovo in 1999 as examples to demonstrate the absence of this hostility. Yet, the fact remains that the US is very unpopular in the Arab world.

Most of the blame for this perception is then put on "extremists", who very often use and fuel anti-American sentiments to widen their support base. This explanation might be true, yet, it is partial and very simplistic. In essence, it addresses outcomes and consequences rather than causes and origins.

If Americans think through the problem more thoroughly, they could also read it in the following way: people in the Arab world resent their unpopular governments, but they are unable to challenge them and speak up against corruption. They, therefore, direct their wrath against the US, which supports these governments politically, economically and in security matters.

Arab governments condone anti-Americanism and use it as a safety valve. Islamists, on the other hand, direct their anger at the US policies because they view them as an obstacle to change.

Suppose, then, that the US shifts its policies to encourage democratisation in the Arab world. Such a change, if handled wisely, would very likely undermine anti-Americanism among Arabs and Muslims. It would, in other words, deprive both Arab governments and their Islamist opponents of a reliable weapon.

The more the US pressures Arab governments to respond to popular demands that correspond to what America says are its highest ideals, namely freedom and democracy, the harder it will be for anti-America elements to argue that the US stands in their way. Resolving this image problem depends on the US, not on anybody else. America spends millions of dollars on public relations and on establishing media organisations, such as Al Hurrah and SAWA, to improve its image in the Arab world.

It follows that America does not only want to be feared but also wants to be loved and respected. The US has proven beyond doubt that it is incredibly powerful when compared to other nations. Many do not even think of attempting to match its strategic capabilities.

Utter failure

America has utterly failed in achieving its second objective of being loved and respected. Its military might, in Iraq for example, stands powerless in the face of attacks by small transnational groups that rely on local support.

These groups have no "return address" for a retaliatory strike from the US conventional forces and, hence, they are not vulnerable to the sophisticated American arsenal.

This underlies the importance of winning the hearts and minds of Iraqis if the ongoing low-level conflict in the country is to be won.

The real test for America in Iraq and elsewhere in the Arab world is not to overthrow regimes but rather to establish a true democracy. American power must be, as a consequence, grounded almost as much in good will and influence as in military might.

Perception of the US as a friend or foe in the region is an important factor for many reasons. If America stands by its ideals, even Islamists might begin to change their views of the US.

Islamists have frequently proven that they are not inherently anti-American. They have, furthermore, shown every interest in working with the US if it respects their basic goals and rights. From the Islamists of Algeria, the Ikhwan of Egypt, to the Shiites of Iraq, all have demonstrated how far Islamic politics is pragmatic and how far they are willing to respect American interests in the region if America does what it says.

It is now America's choice either to be loved and respected or to be feared and hated.

Dr Marwan Kabalan is a Lecturer in Media and International Relations, Damascus University, Syria.