We 'must take destiny in our hands'

Riyadh: Prince Turki Al Faisal is one of the highly respected figures in Saudi Arabia and the rest of the Arab world. A former diplomat, he is currently, chairman of King Faisal Centre for Research and Islamic Studies based in Riyadh.

He is the nephew of Saudi monarch, King Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz, a charismatic popular Saudi leader and the son of late King Faisal, whose is still regarded as a great Arab leader decades after his death.

Prince Turki, 62, a sharp, courteous and gentle figure, spoke to Gulf News in an exclusive interview in his office at the Centre.

GULF NEWS: Saudi Arabia is spearheading Arab diplomatic efforts for several months, including hosting the first Arab Summit in the Gulf region. What are the reasons behind the leading Saudi moves?

Prince Turki Al Faisal: It is also the first Arab summit in the Arabian Peninsula. [And] in all frankness, I don't think it does stem from a desire to spearhead the Arab work, but [it stems] from a sense of responsibility, because there must be unified Arab work and not an individualistic effort.

This has been always the position of Saudi Arabia since its establishment by late King Abdul Aziz. He always sought to bring together Arab countries and unify their efforts and carry out collective actions rather than individual roles, before the independence of most of the Arab countries and after.

Saudi Arabia has followed this path... by all successor kings. King Abdullah is walking in the same footsteps. Therefore, you see an existing continuous contact with the different Arab countries, whether it be the field of solving the Palestinian cause, which is our mother issue, or in other fields related to Iraq, combating terrorism, the spread of nuclear weapons, or in Lebanon. In all these issues, there are consultations between the [Saudi] kingdom and concerned Arab countries. Also there are envoys operating from and to the kingdom from all these countries.

As I mentioned, what Saudi Arabia is doing is not out of desire to be alone and distinguished in a singular work, but on the contrary, it is attempting to bring together Arab countries and unifying their position. And this has been manifest during the Arab summit, when all the countries were brought together in one melting pot and in one joint effort. All decisions that have been taken have focused on one base that we should take our destiny in our own hands in the Arab world, and this has been very clear in the speech of King Abdullah, God protect him.

But some analysts interpreted the Saudi role, particularly in light of the current circumstances, including the crisis over Iranian nuclear programme and the exploding situation in Iraq, as an attempt to contain the Iranian-led Shiite expansion in the region?

It is not about containing. As I have said, the Saudi efforts come within the kingdom's continuous call that the Arab world should control their destiny. And the Arab interests start with unified, cohesive and harmonious Arab countries.

Interpretations and explanations from others, in my opinion, explain the starting point for others in their view of the region, and not necessary a correct assessment for what the Saudi kingdom is doing.

We, the Arab world countries, especially in the Orient, are a mixture of Sunnis and Shiites, a mixture that has always existed. There was no feeling or knowledge that there are differences between Sunnis and Shiites. Such as this talk we have been hearing from countries that have problems based on this factor, such as Lebanon or Iraq.

Who is behind this sectarian drift?

I believe it is a result of political entities that take advantage of sectarian divisions to meet their goals. Undoubtedly, the breakdown of authority in a country like Iraq pushes some political entities to use the sect, or even the ethnic background, as a tool to achieve such goals.

As an example in Iraq, in particular, if you remember Abu Musab Al Zarqawi issued clear calls to the Sunnis to attack the Shiites in Iraq and that was followed by calls from Shiite elements to attack Sunnis. All this was because of political reasons and not because Iraqi society has a underlying desire to divide Sunnis and Shiites... all tribes in Iraq have Sunnis and Shiites. Iraqi families have Sunni and Shiite members. The same thing applies to Lebanon.

As the Lebanese Premier [Fouad] Siniora has mentioned, two of his sisters are married to Shiites. There have been existing intermarriages among Muslim families in Lebanon and it will continue. Nobody used to ask in the past whether you were a Shiite or a Sunni. These all came as a result of disintegration of the political circumstances in the region.

In light of the current crisis between Iran and the western community, and some incidents, such as American fighters violating Iranian space ...and the recent disappearance of a former FBI agent in Kish island during making a documentary according to the Washington Post, and when compared with what happened with Iraq in the past, it seems, sometimes, that history is repeating itself and that attacking Iran seems inevitable?

I hope not. We as Arab countries have expressed our position on this, either within the GCC or during the recent Arab summit. We are hoping there will be no military escalation in the region. We called both Iran and the United States for calming and not escalation. Our responsibility as countries overlooking this important water corridor, which is the Gulf, is to seek removing any causes for military operation.

Has Saudi Arabia been asked to mediate between Iran and the West?

No

And if it was asked, what would be its response?

It is not my field and I can't answer your question.

The Iranian foreign minister called in one of the press interviews during his participation in the Arab summit for the formation of an Arab-Iranian alliance. How do you visualise such a call?

In principle, I believe nothing hinders forming such an alliance, but there are issues that we need to settle between Iran and us. How can there be an Iranian-Arab alliance when Iran is still occupying Arab lands and refusing to talk to the United Arab Emirates, to which the islands belong.

If the Iranians are truthful in this call, let them take the initiative and remove obstacles in [improving] relations. They have to do so, for us to join them in a stronger alliance.

As an example, there are terrorist elements that exist in Iran and Saudi Arabia has been calling for their handover, and the Iranians have not done so until today. How can there be an Arab-Iranian alliance and all these issues still exist?

Israel has called after the Arab summit for Arab-Israeli talks on the initiative and an 11-member Arab committee was formed to explain the Saudi-inspired initiative to the international community?

...and to Israel.

Who will be visiting Israel? Jordanian and Egyptian officials?

I believe countries that have relations with Israel will be asked to follow up the issue with Israel.

Do you have concerns that Arab countries will be subjected to foreign pressure to normalise relations with Israel before solving the issues?

The Arab countries have taken a unified position in this regard since the adoption of the initiative. The proposal was not presented only once, but at every Arab summit since it was adopted in 2002 until 2007...Arab countries are committed to the initiative.....There is nothing to cause doubt or fear that any Arab country will let down Arab brethren by talking about concessions related to normalisation. The Arab League is the axis of the initiative.

The Arab League Secretary-General, Amr Mousa, said it clearly. There will be no amendment to the initiative, and no normalisation before settlement. If we go back to Israel itself, we find its positions in a state of confusion, and the contradiction in its public statements is amazing. Two or three years ago, these contradictions and this confusion were the characteristics of the Arab position. But now, the picture is reversed. The one who is divided is Israel, while the Arabs are committed to a unified position. They have nothing to hide and they are forthcoming and insisting on putting an end to this open wound [Palestinian cause] as early as possible ....

Unlike Arab summits in the past years, the one held in Saudi Arabia focused on education and identity and called for enforcement of the Arab identity after they started to recede. Why is that and what after the Arab summit?

The king, God bless him, said it in his speech. He said the Arab world faces an identity problem, either to be or not to be. And the only way to be is to confront ourselves and admit we are to blame. He said it clearly; the responsibility is on us, as leaders, for the deterioration of the Arab status and the Arab interests. Among the reasons behind it is, undoubtedly, the educational and cultural system, which is scattered and sometimes can be described as backward ...

All these are reasons stemming from us, and its reform and development and advancement must come from within. Therefore, the focus is on education and cultural vision for the Arab world. Inside the Arab world, there are people who try to monopolise our cultural vision and interpret it in a way, that is either savagery, or opportunist, or in some cases, completely backward. And they want to bring us back instead of taking us forward. This is the problem we are facing in the Arab world, and we have to find solutions to it from inside. That is why the Riyadh Declaration focused on educational and cultural aspects.

What after the Arab summit?

There are committees that have been formed, and one of them is to follow-up the issue.

There is a problem in the Arab world that things move very slowly and committees are formed and they in turn form committees?

Let me tell you a story on committees. In 1960, a government was formed in Saudi Arabia known as 'reformers government', and all the ministers in the government decided to dissolve all committees for the reasons you motioned, that they are hindering the process and slowing decision-making... etc. At the end, they reached the decision that for them to dissolve the committee they need to form a committee. [laughing].

I don't think the problem is in the structure of the committee, but our problem in the past was in following the leadership to ensure implementing the decisions. If Riyadh summit is distinguished from the previous summits, it is in the intensive follow up on all the decisions taken, not only from the summit leadership but also from the leadership in the Arab League....

The summit also called to give education full attention...... But this is a comprehensive, big process that would take a very long time?

I believe the committee that will follow-up the issue will look into accelerating things. As you know, in every Arab country, there are committees that work on developing curriculum from Mauritania to Bahrain. From the Atlantic to the Gulf, there is no Arab country that has no party that is in charged with developing education. My vision, and I might be wrong, is that it will be left for individual countries to develop themselves by themselves with general guidelines put by the committee in charge, because undoubtedly, each country differs from the other either in the society component or in financial capabilities or in their inspirations...

What is the role of the educational and scientific and organisations, including King Faisal Centre for Islamic Studies and Research?

We still have a long way to go before these organisations and institutions would have an influence on the process. We all should seek more.

King Faisal Foundation and King Faisal Centre for Islamic Research and Studies work, since their establishment, on pushing forward the wheel of development in the different fields they are involved in. ... Among the goals and ambitions of King Faisal Centre is that it becomes a focal point to provide strategic vision in all fields, i.e. scientific, cultural and research. This is our ambition. God willing we will manage.

biography

He was ambassador to the US

• Born on February 15, 1945 in Makkah.
• Studied at the Taif Model Elementary and Intermediate School and graduated in 1963 from The Lawrenceville School in Lawrenceville, New Jersey. Pursued undergraduate studies in Georgetown University in Washington, DC.
• Appointed Advisor in the Royal Court in 1973.
• From 1977 to 2007, he served as the Director General of the General Intelligence Directorate (GID), Ambassador to the UK, Ireland and US. He is one of the founders of the King Faisal Foundation. He is also co-chair of the C100 Group, which has been affiliated with the World Economic Forum since 2003.