'Speedy Sarkozy' in Beirut

The affable French President, Nicolas Sarkozy, ate breakfast in Athens last Saturday, had lunch in Beirut and returned home to Paris for dinner. This was better than the If it's Tuesday, this must be Belgium, a popular 1969 movie in which a group of travellers from the United States raced through seven European countries in 18 days.

The movie was entertainment whereas the Sarkozy stop was quite serious. Did it serve Lebanon or was it yet another missed opportunity?

Sarkozy arrived at the head of an impressive delegation, which necessitated four separate official aircraft, for the diminutive five-hour visit.

His serious Prime Minister, Francois Fillon, and the inexperienced and wounded Foreign Minister, Bernard Kouchner, were there. Senior representatives from all of France's main political parties accompanied the head of state.

This was, perhaps, a conscious French effort to demonstrate to the terminally deadlocked Lebanese that internal political differences should never be allowed to unduly influence foreign policy matters.

Of course, Sarkozy wished to reaffirm his country's support for Lebanon, as well as be the first Western leader to meet President Michel Suleiman. Indeed, as such, the visit was successful because Suleiman needs all the help he can muster given his gargantuan tasks to reconcile ossified ideologies that survive on chaos.

As expected, the French President showered his Lebanese counterpart with well-deserved praise, affirmed the widely held perception that Suleiman was "a synonym for hope" and called on each and every local official to diligently apply the Qatari-brokered agreement.

In fact, Sarkozy described the Doha accord as "a victory for dialogue against violence", and placed the onus on Suleiman "to achieve national reconciliation". Stating the obvious may now be a Sarkozy specialty.

In turn, the brainy Suleiman welcomed Lebanon's distinguished guest, by first recognising France's behind the scenes role in Doha. He emphasised how close Lebanese-French ties were, "based on the values of democracy, equality and brotherhood".

Unusual in both content and style, this statement was truly brilliant, because Westerners in general almost always assume that the only democracy in the Middle East is Israel.

Suleiman forcefully underlined that Lebanon proved, time and again, that it was committed to democratic values, internecine conflicts notwithstanding. He even raised the sacrosanct subject of fighting terrorism and the heavy price paid in 2007 to combat fundamentalism.

According to press reports, the Lebanese raised the absolute necessity to finally liberate both the Sheba'a Farms as well as the Kafar Shuba Hills from Israeli occupation, and urged Sarkozy to address this most sensitive question with Israeli officials during his planned June 21-24 visit there.

Whether Paris was receptive will surely be determined in the months ahead. Indeed, logic dictates that French interests are best served when Lebanon's international borders are delineated and the country is at peace, which will no longer necessitate the presence of its soldiers serving within the United Nations Interim Force (Unifil II).

It would also be reasonable to presume that their security would be the highest priority, in Defence Minister Herve Morin's memorable words, given their "difficult mission" in a "fragile context". Time will tell whether the French care for their soldiers more than Israel's perpetual occupation.

On Saturday, Suleiman said that he would preside over national talks to discuss controversial issues in the country, but added that the issue of deciding on a defence strategy will only be discussed after complete liberation.

Still, the mere fact that Suleiman raised the occupied territories matter with Sarkozy, and his brilliant linkage between Israeli withdrawals with confidence building measures that "would pave the way for a defence strategy agreement among the Lebanese," which would absorb Hezbollah's weapons, illustrated the new president's vision.

Whether Suleiman can secure French assistance to achieve this urgent matter was his mandate.

International pledges to assist Beirut will surely come even if slowly because Lebanon retained an unparalleled dynamism that is the envy of most. Yet, it is absolutely essential for everyone to understand that Lebanon cannot, and should not, shoulder alone all regional responsibilities.

Simply stated, in future conversations with Sarkozy and others, Suleiman must acculturate his counterparts that his country is not an arena for everyone to settle scores.

Naturally, his most important task will be to cleanse his predecessor's blemished record, because Beirut needs the international community's respect if it is to receive meaningful support.

Responsibilities

To protect and defend a country, one needs committed citizens who love their country above all else, and the means to uphold their rights while they discharge responsibilities.

Sarkozy declared that France remained "committed to strengthening the capacities of the Lebanese army within the framework of a national defence strategy to be established through sincere dialogue among the Lebanese that can no longer be delayed", which was flattering.

Yet, he failed to deliver on this short trip, because he came to Beirut empty-handed. His trip would have been more meaningful with an announcement that Paris would transfer a few modern items to the Lebanese Army.

Lebanese leaders are of course capable of settling their differences, establish the best possible ties with Syria, as well as defend their occupied territories.

What they need in earnest are not kind words of support but concrete steps to help them protect and defend their country from regional predators.

A longer Sarkozy visit to Beirut, like the one scheduled for Israel, might have shed light as to whether flattering words would be followed by vital deeds.

Dr Joseph A. Kechichian is a commentator and author of several books on Gulf affairs.