The law of human evolution imposes the inevitability of change either sooner or later. However, the need for change does not necessarily mean an automatic change for the better.
If the human will is not strong enough to bring about the desired change, it may lead to negative changes, much worse than the unaccepted status.
Therefore, in the Arab societies, change happens due to the successive accumulation of events, but the main question remains: In which direction is this change leading us to? Is it towards more deterioration and divisions? Or, will it be in response to the needs and requirements of building a better Arab society?
Any change needs a harmony between ideology and action, which is the collective responsibility of all generations, as no one is excluded from being responsible for the future.
The process of change is based on three main pillars - ideology, methodology and objectivity.
These pillars of change are inseparable, and no objective can be achieved if they are isolated from its ideology and methodology. A national objective, for example, cannot be achieved if the methodology or ideology were sectarian or sectionalism.
The tripartite equation of ideology, methodology and objectivity is necessary for the success of individuals or groups because defining an objective only is not enough without accurate knowledge of facts and motivation to achieve the target.
There may be more than one objective, but they should be prioritised. The same applies to methodology, which may vary as per the circumstances and possibilities.
Dealing with the negatives of the current Arab status and working towards the goal of positive alternatives requires the need to find a way out of the impasse of Arab intellect.
This includes defining concepts that are related to Arab identity and loyalty, the social role of religion, and the relation between the nation's freedom and that of the citizen.
It also includes the true understanding of Arabism and nationalism, as well as the relation between ideology and pragmatism.
There is a large section of Arabs who do not pay much attention either to intellectualism or think tanks and cultural institutions. They are only interested in pragmatism and believe that they should not waste their time and effort on intellectual pursuits and in theories.
On the other side, there is a section of Arab intellectuals which is only interested in hypothesis and does not contribute to setting up of institutions that can transform their ideas into action. As such, the problem lies in the division of the two sides.
Thinkers set the required targets and provide a clear vision throughout the execution of the programmes.
No value
Intellect has no value if it does not tackle existing problems and only remains in books and brains. The actual value of any idea results from its ability to deal with ground realities and change them for the better.
Perhaps the decline in the level of national slogans in the Arab world is an indicator of the intellectual deterioration for more than 25 years. In the 1950s and 1960s, the goals were liberation and unity, while now the main concern of the Arabs is to preserve the unity of each country from divisions and strives.
Liberation earlier referred to independence from foreign occupation and domination, but now it means independence from the bounds of other Arab countries. The concepts of social justice, fighting corruption and distributing national wealth have also deteriorated.
Even religious political groups downgraded their banners from the general nation's issues to parochial and sectarian concerns. Some also changed their approach from intellectual propagation to armed violence, which has destructive consequences for these groups and the whole nation.
The young Arab generation is caught between two options - embracing negativity, based on individual opportunism on one side, or joining sectarian movements on the other.
Many mixed concepts, which have not been intellectually or politically defined, currently exist in the Arab status. Concepts are the bases of action and methods, as well as of thoughts and targets.
This situation makes one ask many questions. How can we define our stand from pluralism, and what is the difference between legitimate resistance and terrorism?
What is the relation between the nation's freedom and that of its citizens? And, how can we achieve democracy while preserving the unity of the social structure in each country?
Can democracy be achieved only by dividing entities or even subjecting them to foreign domination? And, if achieved, what would be the stance of these democracies towards relations with Israel?
Will the Middle Eastern project be the framework of the region's countries, or will there be serious steps towards a comprehensive Arab integration that enhances the joint Arab identity, taking the European Union as a future model of inter-Arab relations?
The required change on the Arab level will not be achieved by those who prevent it on the local and international levels.
The problem now lies within the absence of the common Arab will and the restriction of local national action due to foreign dictations, as there is no lack of potential, fortune, brainpower, expertise or human force in the Arab world.
Improper use
The improper use of these human and financial potential is the main problem facing the Arab nation, which desperately needs civil institutions and public bodies that refuse the unpleasant Arab status and seek to change it within the framework of a well-thoughtout system.
This system should be based on loyalty to the Arab identity and the necessity of intellectual and political pluralism, unlike the current situation, where identities are clashing without a proper framework of intellectual and political pluralism.
The Arab nation needs public organisations and factions that reject the current status, but also reject changing it through violence and force.
It needs intellectual and political parties that can correct the bad and distorted image of Arabism and Islam because religious extremism is not Islam, and dictatorship under the pretext of nationalism is not Arabism.
What the Arab nation actually requires is a democratic Arabism movement. It should not be based on sect, and should be loyal to its home country.
Moreover, it should first work for the unity of their societies and this criteria alone should then be used for the whole Arab nation.
Sobhi Ghandour is the director of Al Hewar Centre, Washington.
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