Opinion | Columnists
The state of Kuwait
It remains one of the the most complex countries in the Middle East.
- By Mishaal Al Gergawi, Special to Gulf News
- Published: 22:30 August 15, 2009
- Image Credit: Illustration: Luis Vazquez/Gulf News
The news of the foiled terror plot last week in Kuwait was a shrug to some and a shock for others. Those who shrugged it off did so because - though failed - it was another hostile attempt against American presence by an Al Qaida affiliated and sympathising Kuwaiti group. According to the BBC, "Previous attacks against Americans in Kuwait include an incident in October 2002, when two Kuwaitis opened fire on US Marines, killing one."
"[In 2003,] a civil servant killed an American contractor and severely wounded another when he ambushed their car near a US army camp."
"[And finally,] [s]ix Kuwaitis and stateless Arabs were sentenced to life in prison in 2007 for planning attacks on US troops and Kuwaiti security personnel."
Those who were shocked did not expect Kuwait to be subject to such an organised attempt on the camp itself; Camp Arifjan is located in the desert south of Kuwait City and is quite close to the Saudi border.
Kuwait remains one of the most complex countries in the Middle East, second only to Lebanon. To understand Kuwait better, one must go back and track its history. In the beginning of the second decade of the 1900s, Kuwait was treated as a caza - an autonomous status - by the Ottoman Empire and by 1913, Mubarak Al Sabah was recognised as the ruler of the caza by the Ottomans and the British. By 1922 it had set its border with Saudi. Oil was found afterwards and by the 1950s it was one of the largest oil producers. By 1961 Kuwait had declared its independence and nationalised its oil industry a decade later.
During this period a culture of intellectual freedom emerged, in which different schools of thought were not only tolerated but allowed to receive support; such was the unique making or breaking of Kuwait - history is yet to be written to this young constitutional monarchy. With this open society many podiums arose; Salafi and Muslim Brotherhood and liberalism, Nasserite and Socialist orders as well.
By the 1970s, the latter two would effectively be rendered extinct. Liberalist thought was the guiding force for Kuwait's successful, effective and visionary mission in the Gulf. This included various undertakings in several fields in Yemen, Bahrain, Oman and the UAE.
My father, uncles and many men and women from their generation fondly remember the Kuwait Television mission in Dubai, recognised by many as the precursor to Dubai TV, and the Kuwaiti hospital in Dubai and Sharjah.
This of course is in addition to other cultural and educational scholarship programmes. The idea of liberalism back then was to spread knowledge and perform a leading intellectual role in the region.
Abdullah Mfarej, who headed the curriculum programme in the Ministry of Education in Kuwait and was personally responsible for much of the above, is the kind of gentleman to be remembered fondly during that era. Kuwait today is a far cry from what it was back then. This is not condemnation but rather deep regret of what this great nation has come to.
Going back to the terror plot, the Salafis have recently gained much momentum in Kuwait on the back of what is seen as a modernisation of the Muslim Brotherhood in Kuwait. Though ultimately following the Brotherhood's Supreme Guide in Egypt, the Brotherhood have - and accused of by Salafis - as embracing modernity e.g. supporting women's rights etc. And so the Salafis - closely aligned with the Saudi religious establishment - have positioned themselves as the 'up front' religious group of the two.
Since the late 1970s the Salafis and the Brotherhood have developed the capacity to financially support (they employ, support and even invest capital in projects in return for allegiance) community groups around Kuwait and thus positioned themselves as worthy of a following and the power that comes with it; we have all seen what a failed formula this has been in other countries in the region.
While the older generation may be grateful to the Americans and remember them fondly for liberating Kuwait after Iraq's 1991 invasion, some younger and possibly less privileged Kuwaitis view the US in a hostile manner, as invaders of Iraq and lifelong allies of Israel.
A few years ago, a veteran Kuwaiti TV presenter, Mohammad Al Sanousi, hosted a very controversial episode of his show when he showed old pictures of Kuwait City and Dubai a few decades ago and then showed the same cities again; Kuwait looked the same, Dubai did not.
The tragedy of Kuwait is that it had a whole formula, enlightened government, financial resources and an able and educated workforce. Yet the Government's effective failure in developing the appropriate environment for growth prospects for young Kuwaitis after the war and socialist culture of dependence on this government allowed this to happen.
Today the Kuwaiti youth is up for grabs, more by the religious groups but also by fake liberalism that wants Kuwait to supersede the entire Gulf in its liberalism process. There is also a renaissance of tribal following, and finally the allegiance to the big trading families.
And while everyone plays their role and sectarianism, both religious and intellectual, seems to prevail in the 'Fortress by the Water' (Kuwait's definition), the government must rise to its role as ultimate leader and rebuild its walls and maintain open doors.
Such a great nation must not be left to such opportunism. It is not easy to fix Kuwait but it isn't hard either; the government must win back the people through a clear and committed development programme.
Mishaal Al Gergawi is an Emirati commentator on socio-economic and cultural affairs in the UAE.
Your comments
a worthwhile piece with a dash of nostalgia that also seems to call kuwait's future between the lines.
Hamish
Kuwait,Kuwait
Posted: August 16, 2009, 13:57
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