Saudi Arabia's war against apostates

The would-be assassin of Prince Mohammad Bin Nayef, Abdullah Hassan Talih Asiri, contacted the assistant minister of the interior for security affairs and gained access to the latter's home. In what is still a largely unclear development, the murderer may have gained the prince's confidence, passed through checkpoints at two airports, in Najran near the Yemeni border as well as Jeddah, before boarding a private jet with his explosives. Though Asiri was on a suicide mission, Saudi authorities concluded that he would have a place in the Kingdom's counter-terrorism programme, which recorded significant successes. How will this attack on an important Saudi official alter the country's war against takfiris (apostates)?

According to a statement, as well as a transcript of a phone conversation between the prince and Asiri that was released by the Interior Ministry and aired on Saudi television, Prince Mohammad agreed to meet the dissident ostensibly to negotiate an amnesty agreement for him as well as several repentant militants. In a tone that is amazingly serene, Prince Mohammad inquires about Asiri's brother, Ebrahim, and their parents. In what must be an exceptionally tolerant mindset, the official wishes the rebel a Ramadan Mubarak, which illustrates the level of confidence that Prince Mohammad has in his rehabilitation programme.

During their telephone conversation, Asiri sounds remorseful, asking God to "bless all [and] make things easier". The Saudi leader reassures him, insisting: "Things will always be fine, as long as man bears God in his mind". The rebel then offers to "brief" the prince who, in turn, seeks reassurances about several individuals. Prince Mohammad cautions Asiri to be wary of "evil people [who] would like to exploit everyone". "Rely on God," he tells him "and come back to your homeland". Prince Mohammad counsels Asiri to bring along his "brothers & before they are led astray by evil people".

Towards the end of the conversation, Asiri anticipates tribulations, and wonders aloud whether the prince will forgive him. "You don't have to talk to me about forgiveness," answers Prince Mohammad, because "you are our son. All we want is your return to the fold before they exploit you".

Irrespective of any post bombing bragging by Al Qaida, which focused on the suicide rebel's skill in passing through security checkpoints, boarding a private aircraft and blowing himself up among the prince's guards, the daring journey was made possible upon orders of the prince himself. This was part of a long-term programme to rehabilitate those within society that have strayed from the path of righteousness, relied on violence to solve problems and embarked on a sustained campaign to spread havoc.

In the few short years since Saudi Arabia adopted a multi-pronged policy to deal with easily persuaded youths, significant gains were achieved that resulted in either bloody clashes, or the surrender of many who entered treatment camps.

To be sure, Asiri was shameless as he pretended to seek forgiveness. Yet, by abusing God's name for false purposes, Asiri and his supporters abdicated any rights to speak in the name of the Creator. In the telephone conversation, Asiri tells Prince Mohammad: "We love you for the sake of God, and God willing, we hope the situation will be resolved". How could any believer fake such sincerity?

If Asiri blew himself up believing that the Quran commands believers to slay infidels or non-believers, one must wonder what kind of nonsense this is. It is important to remind these perplexed characters that the Quran does not prescribe murder. Simply stated, God does not endorse assassination, and anyone who believes such gobbledygook needs serious psychiatric attention. On the contrary, God is merciful and admonishes all believers to be forgiving of themselves and of each other.

Still, given all that has occurred, will the Saudi rehabilitation programme endure?

Like leading Western powers and most Arab governments, Saudi Arabia engaged in controversial practices after 9/11, and especially after the May 13, 2003, Riyadh compound bombings. It dealt with security concerns with impunity but quickly realised that a reliance on a religious values framework was critical if it were to ever redress genuine grievances. Consequently, it sought to reform the behaviour of its ideologically misguided subjects, and adopted a counselling programme that aimed to forgive those who acknowledged their errors.

It is within this framework of tolerance that one must assess Prince Mohammad's actions before and after the attacks that targeted him. His plea with Asiri to "return home", help the latter's parents end their "suffering" and pledge to "talk frankly", were all signs of strength rather than weakness.

The challenge now is not to abandon any of these tested and effective measures as authorities reassess how to deal with liars.

Extremists on the Arabian Peninsula seem to have adopted new cross-border tactics after their effectiveness in Saudi Arabia declined. During the past few years, Prince Mohammad won several battles over ideas, and it behooves him not to forego past successes. For no matter how justified he and his allies may be to retaliate against the assassination attempt, the most effective way of eliminating deviancy is through steadfastness, and by relying on one's core values.

Dr Joseph A. Kechichian is a commentator and author of several books on Gulf affairs.