Opinions | Columnists
Prelude to more reforms in Saudi Arabia
Abdullah has left little room for doubt that he expects enforcers of public morality to respect basic freedom.
- By Joseph A. Kechichian, Special to Gulf News
- Published: 22:53 February 18, 2009
- Image Credit: Illustration: Nino Jose Heredia/Gulf News
King Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz of Saudi Arabia is a man with a "will to power". Though his latest announcements regarding several new ministerial appointments, including the first female deputy minister, caught everyone's imagination, it was not the first major shake-up since his accession in 2005.
Still, last Saturday's most significant transformation occurred within the judiciary and led to wild speculation that the king aimed to reduce the influence of clerics. Are these analyses accurate and what is Abdullah up to?
Abdullah appointed Noura Al Fayez as Deputy Minister of Women's Education, which was historical, although the more meaningful promotion was that of her boss, the 59-year old Prince Faisal Bin Abdullah Bin Mohammad, who served as assistant director of intelligence for several years. Known for his active involvement in anti-extremist security operations, Prince Faisal is the ruler's son-in-law and, as such, has the monarch's ear on key matters.
Both men know that the Saudi education system is embedded with extremely conservative thinkers who do not necessarily share their vision for sorely-needed education reforms.
At a time when learning by rote is no longer a viable option, Saudi youngsters must acquire technological skills, or face unemployment prospects in an increasingly sophisticated marketplace. In fact, thousands of religious scholars graduate each year from a system that refuses to recognise the fact that such talent is not suitable for public sector positions. This is the challenge that Abdullah wants to meet.
Beyond the ministry of education reorganisation, far greater changes may be coming to the Council of Ulema, the body that profers consensus opinion and advice on every aspect of law and regulation in the kingdom.
In fact, by expanding its membership and, in an epochal shift, by inviting members other than Hanbali scholars to join, Abdullah redefined Sunni tolerance. While no Ja'afari clerics belonging to Shiism were included in this latest roster, few should be surprised that they will take their seats at Council tables in the future, though the current expansion to the Maliki, Hanafi and Shafi'i schools of law is a gigantic step forward.
It is now going to be difficult for the Saudi-bashing-industry to claim that Saudi Arabia is an exclusive ultra-conservative Wahhabi establishment.
The more significant alterations targeted the judiciary, whose leading practitioners perceived the ruler as a maverick, and whose preferences seldom coincided with his. By firing Ebrahim Al Gaith, the head of the Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice, the so-called mutawa'in or religious police, Abdullah reminded his subjects that Saudis desired uniformity in the application of laws. Al Gaith's successor, Abdul Aziz Bin Humayn declared that it was his duty to implement the monarch's agenda, pledging "to achieve the aspirations of the rulers". This was a clear departure from previous defiant statements by those who clearly exceeded their power.
More importantly, Abdullah concluded that some of these enforcers of public morality lacked the intelligence and tact to treat people with respect, as he decided to deny them additional privileges. Indeed, by forcing the mutawa'in to recognise basic freedoms, Abdullah is signalling that he wants a commission that connects with society instead of living in isolation from it, or orbiting above the law.
Truth be told, religious authorities committed several grave errors, which weakened their positions. In 2002, mutawa'in guards refused firemen permission to enter a girls' school in Makkah. The blaze claimed the lives of 15 children.
In 2007, they nonchalantly dismissed the "Qatif girl" rapists case by inflicting heavy sentences on both criminals as well as victims. Needless to say, such episodes left ordinary citizens deeply disturbed leading many to conclude that their religious leaders neglected their duties to uphold the law and preserve life itself.
Abdullah shared his public's revulsion at such misinterpretations and vowed to rectify perceived shortcomings.
By far the most critical dismissal was that of Shaikh Saleh Al Luhaydan, the chief justice of the Supreme Judicial Council, who refused to implement the monarch's 2007 reform decree. Not only did Al Luhaydan embarrass Abdullah during Ramadan in 2008 - when he declared that media officials who encouraged the broadcast of "immoral" television programmes could be executed - but he refused to codify Sharia law as recommended by the ruler.
Five years into his rule, Abdullah Bin Abdul Aziz is demonstrating a knack for bringing significant change, first with his 2007 Succession Law and now with dramatic shifts in the judiciary. Neither of these measures will upset the 1744 alliance between Al Saud and Al Shaikh, which forms the cornerstone of the Kingdom's legitimacy, and which will not be subjected to any cataclysmic tests. Rather, the Saudi monarch probably intends to strengthen that critical alliance by interjecting fresh reforms, not to target any party or group, but to open the doors for a gradual transformation required by time.
With an impeccable "will to power", Abdullah will next call for advanced municipal elections by eliminating state appointees and by encouraging women to vote. He will also promote freedom of association, a fairer distribution of wealth, and a foreign policy that is reached by family consensus. In short, his decisions foretell Abdullah's preference for a constitutional monarchy, which might occur sooner than many anticipate.
Dr Joseph A. Kechichian is a commentator and author of several books on Gulf affairs.
Share this article
More from Columnists
More from Opinions
Popular in Opinions
-
Opinions
Speak Your Mind: World hunger
Who is responsible for world hunger? Are there any solution?
Opinion Editor's choice
-
Parochialism versus India
The idea of India gets defeated if people are governed by domicile considerations
-
Between crime and insanity
Major Hassan's actions debase the universal parlance of the very faith that he professed to embrace so ardently
-
Its time for Karzai to show his mettle
He may have fallen out of favour, but for now there are no other leadership options
